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Heroes  of  the  Nations 

A  Series  of  Biographical  Studies 
presenting  the  lives  and  work 
of  certain  representative  his- 
torical characters,  about  whom 
have  gathered  the  traditions 
of  the  nations  to  which  they 
belong,  and  who  have,  in  the 
majority  of  instances,  been 
accepted  as  types  of  the  sev- 
eral national  ideals. 


FOR  FULL  LIST  SEE  END  OF  THIS  VOLUMS 


Iberoes  ot  tbe  laationB 


EDITED    BY 

D.  VSl.  C.  H>avis 


FACT*  DUCI8  VIVINT,  OPEROSAOUE 
OLORIA   RBKUM OVIO,    IN    LIVIAM,    «»6. 

THE  HERO'S  DEEDS  AND  HARD-WON 
FAME     SHALL     LIVE 


CANUTE  THE  GREAT 


CANUTE   AND    EMMA 
(The   King  and   Queen  are  presenting   a  golden  cross  to  Winchester 
Abbey,  New  Minster.) 
From  a  miniature  reproduced  in  Liber  I'ita  (Birch). 


CANUTE  THE  GREAT 

995  (arc)- 103  5 

AND  THE  RISE  OF  DANISH  IMPERIALISM  DURING 
THE  VIKING  AGE 


LAURENCE  MARCELLUS  LARSON,  Ph.D. 

ASSOCIATE   PROFESSOR   OF    HISTORY    IN    THE    UNIVERSITY    OF    ILLINOIS 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 

XLbc  ftnicUexbochex   press 
1912 


L3y 


Copyright,  igis 

BY 

G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 


XSbt  ttiuckerbocket  preee,  f^ew  fiorl; 


MY   WIFE 

LILLIAN  MAY  LARSON 


FOREWORD 

TOWARD  the  close  of  the  eighth  century,  there 
appeared  in  the  waters  of  Western  Europe 
the  strange  dragon  fleets  of  the  Northmen,  the 
"heathen,"  or  the  vikings,  as  they  called  them- 
selves, and  for  more  than  two  hundred  years  the 
shores  of  the  West  and  the  Southwest  lived  in 
constant  dread  of  pillage  and  piracy.  The  viking 
invasions  have  always  been  of  interest  to  the 
student  of  the  Middle  Ages;  but  only  recently  have 
historians  begun  to  fathom  the  full  significance 
of  the  movement.  The  British  Isles  were  pre- 
eminently the  field  of  viking  activities.  English 
historians,  however,  have  usually  found  nothing 
in  the  invasions  but  two  successive  waves  of 
destruction.  As  an  eminent  writer  has  tersely 
stated  it, — the  Dane  contributed  nothing  to 
English  civiHsation,  for  he  had  nothing  to  con- 
tribute. 

On  the  other  hand,  Scandinavian  students,  who 
naturally  took  great  pride  in  the  valorous  deeds 
of  their  ancestors,  once  viewed  the  western  lands 
chiefly  as  a  field  that  offered  unusual  opporttmi- 
ties  for  the  development  of  the  dormant  energies 
of  the  Northern  race.     That  Christian  civilisation 


vi  Foreword 

could  not  fail  to  react  on  the  heathen  mind  was 
clearly  seen ;  but  this  phase  of  the  problem  was 
not  emphasised;  the  importance  of  western  in- 
fluences was  minimised. 

Serious  study  of  the  viking  age  in  its  broader 
aspects  began  about  fifty  years  ago  with  the 
researches  of  Gudbrand  Vigfusson,  a  young  Ice- 
landic scholar,  much  of  whose  work  was  carried 
on  in  England.  Vigfusson's  work  was  parallelled 
by  the  far  more  thorough  researches  of  the  emi- 
nent Norwegian  philologist,  Sophus  Bugge.  These 
investigators  both  came  to  the  same  general  con- 
clusion: that  Old  Norse  culture,  especially  on 
the  literary  side,  shows  permeating  traces  of 
Celtic  and  Anglo-Saxon  elements;  that  the  Eddie' 
literature  was  not  an  entirely  native  product, 
but  was  largely  built  up  in  the  viking  colonies  in 
Britain  from  borrowed  materials. 

Some  years  earlier,  the  Danish  antiquarian, 
J.  J.  A.  Worsaae,  had  begim  to  study  the  "memor- 
ials" of  Norse  and  Danish  occupation  in 
Britain,  and  had  found  that  the  islands  in  places 
were  overlaid  with  traces  of  Scandinavian  conquest 
in  the  form  of  place  names.  Later  Worsaae's 
countryman.  Dr.  J.  C.  H.  R.  Steenstrup,  carried 
the  research  into  the  institutional  field,  and 
showed  in  his  masterly  work,  Normannerne  (1876- 
1882),  that  the  institutional  development  among 
the  Anglo-Saxons  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh 
centuries  was  largely  a  matter  of  adapting  and 
assimilating  Scandinavian  elements. 


Foreword  vii 

Studies  that  embodied  such  differing  viewpoints 
could  not  fail  to  call  forth  much  discussion,  some 
of  which  went  to  the  point  of  bitterness.  Recent- 
ly there  has  been  a  reaction  from  the  extreme 
position  assumed  by  Professor  Bugge  and  his 
followers;  but  quite  generally  Norse  scholars  are 
coming  to  take  the  position  that  both  Sophus 
Bugge  and  Johannes  Steenstrup  have  been  correct 
in  their  main  contentions ;  the  most  prominent  rep- 
resentative of  this  view  is  Professor  Alexander 
Bugge.  Where  two  vigorous  peoples  representing 
differing  types  or  different  stages  of  civilisation 
come  into  more  than  temporary  contact,  the  re- 
ciprocal influences  will  of  necessity  be  continued 
and  profound. 

The  viking  movement  had,  therefore,  its  aspects 
of  growth  and  development  as  well  as  of  destruc- 
tion. The  best  representative  of  the  age  and  the 
movement,  when  considered  from  both  these  view- 
points, is  Canute  the  Great,  King  of  England, 
Denmark,  and  Norway.  Canute  began  as  a 
pirate  and  developed  into  a  statesman.  He  was 
carried  to  victory  by  the  very  forces  that  had  so 
long  subsisted  on  devastation;  when  the  victory 
was  achieved,  they  discovered,  perhaps  to  their 
amazement,  that  their  favourite  occupation  was 
gone.  Canute  had  inherited  the  imperialistic 
ambitions  of  his  dynasty,  and  piracy  and  empire 
are  mutually  exclusive  terms. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  anything  further 
in  justification  of  a  biographical  study  of  such  an 


viii  Foreword 

eminent  leader,  one  of  the  few  men  whom  the 
world  has  called  "the  Great."  But  to  write  a 
true  biography  of  any  great  secular  character  of 
mediaeval  times  is  a  difficult,  often  impossible,  task. 
The  great  men  of  modem  times  have  revealed 
their  inner  selves  in  their  confidential  letters; 
their  kinsmen,  friends,  and  intimate  associates 
have  left  their  appreciations  in  the  form  of  ad- 
dresses or  memoirs.  Materials  of  such  a  character 
are  not  abundant  in  the  mediaeval  sources.  But 
this  fact  need  not  deter  us  from  the  attempt.  It 
is  at  least  possible  to  trace  the  public  career  of  the 
subject  chosen,  to  measure  his  influence  on  the 
events  of  his  day,  and  to  determine  the  importance 
of  his  work  for  future  ages.  And  occasionally 
the  sources  may  permit  a  glimpse  into  the  private 
hfe  of  the  subject  which  will  help  us  to  understand 
him  as  a  man. 

The  present  study  has  presented  many  difficul- 
ties. Canute  lived  in  an  age  when  there  was  but 
little  writing  done  in  the  North,  though  the  granite 
of  the  runic  monument  possesses  the  virtue  of 
durability.  There  is  an  occasional  mention  of 
Canute  in  the  Continental  chronicles  of  the  time; 
but  the  chief  contemporary  sources  are  the 
Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  the  Encomium  Emmce, 
and  the  praise  lays  of  the  Norse  and  Icelandic 
scalds.  The  Chronicle  was  written  by  a  patriotic 
Englishman  who  naturally  regarded  the  Danes 
with  a  strong  aversion.  The  Encomium,  on  the 
other  hand,  seems  to  be  the  product  of  an  alien 


Foreword  ix 

clerk,  whose  chief  purpose  was  to  glorify  his 
patroness,  Queen  Emma,  and  her  family.  The 
lays  of  the  scalds  are  largely  made  up  of  flattering 
phrases,  though  among  them  are  woven  in  allus- 
ions to  historic  facts  that  are  of  great  value. 

The  Anglo-Norman  historians  and  the  later 
monastic  annalists  in  England  have  not  very 
much  to  add  to  our  information  about  Canute; 
but  in  their  accounts  they  are  likely  to  go  to  the 
other  extreme  from  the  Chronicle.  Too  often  the 
monkish  writers  measured  excellence  by  the  value 
of  gifts  to  churches  and  monasteries,  and  Canute 
had  learned  the  value  of  donations  properly  timed 
and  placed. 

Adam  of  Bremen  wrote  a  generation  later  than 
Canute's  day,  but,  as  he  got  his  information  from 
Canute's  kinsmen  at  the  Danish  court,  his  notices 
of  Northern  affairs  are  generally  reliable.  There 
is  no  Danish  history  before  the  close  of  the  twelfth 
century,  when  Saxo  wrote  the  Acts  of  the  Danes. 
It  is  evident  that  Saxo  had  access  to  a  mass  of 
sources  both  written  and  of  the  saga  type.  The 
world  is  grateful  to  the  Danish  clerk  for  preserving 
so  much  of  this  material ;  but  soimd,  critical  treat- 
ment (of  which  Saxo  was  probably  incapable) 
would  have  enhanced  the  value  of  his  work. 

The  twelfth  century  is  also  the  age  of  the  sagas. 
These  are  of  uneven  merit  and  most  of  them  are  of 
slight  value  for  present  purposes.  However,  the 
sources  on  which  these  are  in  a  measure  based, 
the  fragments  of  contemporary  verse  that   are 


X  Foreword 

extant  and  much  that  has  not  survived,  have  been 
woven  into  a  history,  the  equal  of  which  for  artis- 
tic treatment,  critical  standards,  and  true  histori- 
cal spirit  will  be  difficult  to  find  in  any  other 
mediaeval  literature.  Wherever  possible,  therefore, 
reference  has  been  made  in  this  study  to  Snorre's 
Kings'  Sagas,  commonly  known  as  "Heims- 
kringla, "  in  preference  to  other  saga  sources. 

In  the  materials  afforded  by  archaeology,  the 
Northern  countries  are  peculiarly  rich,  though,  for 
the  purposes  of  this  study,  these  have  their  only 
value  on  the  side  of  culture.  An  exception  must 
be  made  of  the  runic  monuments  (which  need  not 
necessarily  be  classed  with  archaeological  materials), 
as  these  often  assist  in  building  up  the  narrative. 
More  important,  perhaps,  is  the  fact  that  these 
inscriptions  frequently  help  us  to  settle  disputed 
points  and  to  determine  the  accuracy  of  accounts 
that  are  not  contemporary. 

One  of  the  chief  problems  has  been  where  to 
begin  the  narrative.  To  begin  in  the  conventional 
way  with  childhood,  education,  and  the  rest  is 
not  practicable  when  the  place  and  the  year  of 
birth  are  unknown  and  the  forms  and  influences 
of  early  training  are  matters  of  inference  and 
conjecture.  At  the  same  time  it  was  found  im- 
possible to  separate  the  man  from  his  time,  from 
the  great  activities  that  were  going  on  in  the  lands 
about  the  North  Sea,  and  from  the  purposes  of  the 
dynasty  that  he  belonged  to.  Before  it  is  possible 
to  give  an  intelligent  account  of  how  Canute  led 


Foreword  xi 

the  viking  movement  to  successful  conquest,  some 
account  must  be  given  of  the  movement  itself. 
The  first  chapter  and  a  part  of  the  second  conse- 
quently have  to  deal  with  matters  introductory 
to  and  preparatory  for  Canute's  personal  career, 
which  began  in  1012. 

In  the  writing  of  proper  names  the  author  has 
planned  to  use  modem  forms  whenever  such  exist ; 
he  has  therefore  written  Canute,  though  his 
preference  is  for  the  original  form  Cnut.  King 
Ethelred's  by-name,  "Redeless, "  has  been  trans- 
lated "Ill-counselled,"  which  is  slightly  nearer  the 
original  meaning  than  *  *  unready  " ;  "  uncounselled ' ' 
would  scarcely  come  nearer,  as  the  original  seems 
rather  to  imply  inability  to  distinguish  good  from 
bad  counsel. 

In  the  preparation  of  the  study  assistance  has 
been  received  from  many  sources ;  especially  is  the 
author  under  obligation  to  the  libraries  of  the 
Universities  of  Illinois,  Chicago,  Wisconsin,  and 
Iowa,  and  of  Harvard  University;  he  is  also  in- 
debted to  his  colleagues  Dean  E.  B.  Greene, 
Professor  G.  S.  Ford,  and  Professor  G.  T.  Flom, 
of  the  University  of  Illinois,  for  assistance  in  the 
form  of  critical  reading  of  the  manuscript. 

L.  M.  L. 
Champaign,  111.,  191 1. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  I 
The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great   .         .        i 

CHAPTER  II 

The  Conquest  of  England — 1003-1013         .      37 

CHAPTER  III 

The    English    Reaction   and    the    Norse 

Revolt — 1014-1016        ....      58 

CHAPTER  IV 
The  Struggle  with  Edmund  Ironside — 1016      85 

CHAPTER  V 

The  Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England — 1017- 

1020      .......     104 

CHAPTER  VI 

The  Beginnings  of  Empire — 1019-1025         .     137 

CHAPTER  VII 
Canute  and  the  English  Church — loi 7-1026    162 

CHAPTER  VIII 
The  Twilight  of  the  Gods  .         .         .         .180 

xiii 


xiv  Contents 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  IX 

Canute  and  the  Norwegian  Conspiracy — 

1023-1026      .         .         .         .        .         .197 

CHAPTER  X 

The  Battle  of  Holy  River  and  the  Pilgrim- 
age to  Rome — 1026-1027         .         .         .211 

CHAPTER  XI 
The  Conquest  of  Norway — 1028-1030  .     231 

CHAPTER  XII 
The  Empire  of  the  North   ....     257 

CHAPTER  XIII 
Northern  Culture  in  the  Days  of  Canute    285 

CHAPTER  XIV 
The  Last  Years — 1031-1035  .         .         .     310 

CHAPTER  XV 
The  Collapse  of  the  Empire — 1035-1042      .     331 

Appendices  ......     341 


Bibliography 
Index 


349 
357 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

p 
Canute  and  Emma      .  .         .    Frontispiece 

(The  King  and  Queen  are  presenting  a  golden 
cross  to  Winchester  Abbey,  New  Minster.) 

From  a  miniature  reproduced  in  Liber  VitCB 
(Birch.) 

The  Older  Jelling  Stone  (a)     . 
The  Older  Jelling  Stone  (b) 
The  Larger  Bonder  Vissing  Stone 
The  Later  Jelling  Stone  (a) 
The  Later  Jelling  Stone  (b) 
The  Later  Jelling  Stone  (c) 


Scandinavian     Settlements,    Britain    and 
Normandy     .... 

The  Larger  Aarhus  Stone 

The  Sj^lle  Stone 

(Runic  monument  raised  to  Gyrth,  Earl  Sigvaldi's 
brother.) 

The  Tulstorp  Stone  ..... 

(Runic  monument  showing  viking  ship  orna- 
mented with  beasts'  heads.) 


6 
6 

8 
8 

lO 
ID 

22 

34 

34 

50 


The  Hallestad  Stone 


76 


xvi  Illustrations 

PAGE 

Anglo-Saxon  Warriors       ....      88 
(Harl.  MS.  603.) 

Anglo-Saxon  Horsemen      ....      88 

(Harl.  MS.  603.) 

Anglo-Saxon  Warriors       ....      94 

(From  a  manuscript  in  the  British  Museum,  repro- 
duced in  Norges  Historic,  i.,  ii.) 

The  Raven  Banner 94 

(From  the  Bayeux  Tapestry.) 

Viking  Raids  in  England  980-1016     .         .     102 

The  South  Baltic  Coast  in  the  Eleventh 

Century        .         .-        .         .         .         .     152 

The  Valleberga  Stone   .    .    .    .156 

The  Stenkyrka  Stone    .    .    .    .156 

(Monument  from  the  Island  of  Gotland  showing 
viking  ships.)  , 

An  English  Bishop  of  the  Eleventh  Century    i  62 

(From  the  Bayeux  Tapestry.) 

Poppo's  Ordeal 162 

(Altar  decoration  from  about  1 100.  Danish 
National  Museum.) 

Hammers  of  Thor 180 

(From  the  closing  years  of  heathendom.) 

The  Tjangvide  Stone  .         .         .         .188 

(Monument  from  the  Island  of  Gotland.  The 
stone  shows  various  mythological  figures  ;  see 
below,  page  302.) 


Illustrations  xvii 

PAGE 

The  Church  at  Urnes  (Norway)        .         .192 
(From  about  iioo.) 

Runic  Monument  Shows  Hammer  of  Thor    194 

The  Odderness  Stone  ,         .         .         .194 

Ornaments    (Chiefly    Buckles)    from    the 

Viking  Age    ......     208 

Ornaments    (Chiefly    Buckles)    from    the 

Viking  Age    ......     208 

Lines  from  the  Oldest  Fragment  of  Snorre's 
History  (Written  about  1260).  The 
Fragment  Tells  the  Story  of  the 
Battle  of  Holy  River  and  the  Murder 
OF  Ulf   .......     222 

A  LoNGSHiP 222 

(Model  of  the  Gokstad  ship  on  the  waves.) 

Scandinavia  and  the  Conquest  of  Norway    242 
Stiklestead 250 

(From  a  photograph.) 

The  Hyby  Stone 272 

(Monument  from  the  first  half  of  the  eleventh 
century;  raised  to  a  Chnstian  as  appears  from 
the  cross.) 

Runic  Monument  from  Upland,  Sweden    .     285 

(Showing  blending  of  Celtic  and  Northern  art.) 

Scandinavian     (Icelandic)     Hall    in    the 

Viking  Age    ......     290 


xviii  Illustrations 


PAGE 


The  Vik  Stone 292 

(Illustrates  the  transition  from  heathendom  to 
Christianity  ;  shows  a  mixture  of  elements,  the 
serpent  and  the  cross.) 

The  Ramsund  Rock 292 

(Representations  of  scenes  from  the  Sigfried 
Saga.) 

Painted  Gable  from  Urnes  Church  .         .     300 

(Norse-Irish  ornamentation.) 

Carved  Pillar  from  Urnes  Church    .         .     300 

(Norse-Irish  ornamentation.) 

The  Hunnestad  Stone         ....     302 

The  Alstad  Stone 302 

Anglo-Saxon  Table  Scene  ....     306 

(From  a  manuscript  in  the  British  Museum, 
reproduced  in  Norges  Historic,  i.,  ii.) 

Model  of  the  Gokstad  Ship       .         .         .     306 

(Longitudinal  sections.) 

The  Lundagard  Stone         ....     308 

(Shows  types  of  ornamentation  in  Canute's  day.) 

The  Jurby  Cross,  Isle  of  Man  .         .         .     310 

The  Gosforth  Cross,  Cumberland      .         .     310 

The  Fall  of  Saint  Olaf     .         .         .         .316 
(Initial  in  the  Flat-isle  Book.) 


CANUTE  THE  GREAT 


CANUTE  THE  GREAT 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  HERITAGE  OF  CANUTE  THE  GREAT 

AMONG  the  many  gigantic  though  somewhat 
shadowy  personaUties  of  the  viking  age, 
two  stand  forth  with  imdisputed  pre-eminence: 
Rolf  the  founder  of  Normandy  and  Canute  the 
Emperor  of  the  North.  Both  were  sea-kings; 
each  represents  the  culmination  and  the  close  of  a 
great  migratory  movement, — Rolf  of  the  earlier 
viking  period,  Canute  of  its  later  and  more  re- 
stricted phase.  The  early  history  of  each  is  uncer- 
tain and  obscure;  both  come  suddenly  forth  upon 
the  stage  of  action,  eager  and  trained  for  conquest. 
Rolf  is  said  to  have  been  the  outlawed  son  of  a 
Norse  earl;  Canute  was  the  younger  son  of  a 
Danish  king:  neither  had  the  promise  of  sover- 
eignty or  of  landed  inheritance.  Still,  in  the  end, 
both  became  rulers  of  important  states — the 
pirate   became   a   constructive   statesman.     The 

X 


2  Canute  the  Great 

work  of  Rolf  as  founder  of  Normandy  was  perhaps 
the  more  enduring;  but  far  more  brilliant  was  the 
career  of  Canute. 

Few  great  conquerors  have  had  a  less  promising 
future.  In  the  early  years  of  the  eleventh  century, 
he  seems  to  have  been  serving  a  military  appren- 
ticeship in  a  viking  fraternity  on  the  Pomeranian 
coast,  preparatory,  no  doubt,  to  the  profession  of 
a  sea-king,  the  usual  career  of  Northern  princes 
who  were  not  seniors  in  birth.  His  only  tangible 
inheritance  seems  to  have  been  the  prestige  of 
royal  blood  which  meant  so  much  when  the  chief 
called  for  recruits. 

But  it  was  not  the  will  of  the  Noms  that  Canute 
should  live  and  die  a  common  pirate,  like  his 
grand-uncle  Canute,  for  instance,  who  fought  and 
fell  in  Ireland  ^ :  his  heritage  was  to  be  greater  than 
what  had  fallen  to  any  of  his  dynasty,  more  than 
the  throne  of  his  ancestors,  which  was  also  to  be  his. 
In  a  vague  way  he  inherited  the  widening  am- 
bitions of  the  Northern  peoples  who  were  once 
more  engaged  in  a  fierce  attack  on  the  West.  To 
him  fell  also  the  ancient  claim  of  the  Danish 
kingdom  to  the  hegemony  of  the  North.  But 
more  specifically  Canute  inherited  the  extensive 
plans,  the  restless  dreams,  the  imperialistic  policy, 
and  the  ancient  feuds  of  the  Knytling  dynasty.* 
Canute's  career  is  the  history  of  Danish  imperial- 

'  Saxo  Grammaticus,  Gesta  Danorum,  321. 
'  The  saga  writers  call  the  members  of  the  Danish  dynasty 
the  Knytlings,  from  its  foremost  representative  Canute  (Knut). 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great         3 

ism  carried  to  a  swift  realisation.  What  had 
proved  a  task  too  great  for  his  forbears  Canute 
in  a  great  measure  achieved.  In  England  and  in 
Norway,  in  Sleswick  and  in  Wendland,  he  carried 
the  plans  of  his  dynasty  to  a  successful  issue.  It 
will,  therefore,  be  necessary  to  sketch  with  some 
care  the  background  of  Canute's  career  and  to 
trace  to  their  origins  the  threads  of  policy  that 
Canute  took  up  and  wove  into  the  web  of  empire. 
Some  of  these  can  be  followed  back  at  least  three 
generations  to  the  reign  of  Gorm  in  the  beginning 
of  the  tenth  century. 

In  that  century  Denmark  was  easily  the  greatest 
power  in  the  North.  From  the  Scanian  frontiers 
to  the  confines  of  modem  Sleswick  it  extended 
over  "belts"  and  islands,  closing  completely  the 
entrance  to  the  Baltic.  There  were  Danish  out- 
posts on  the  Slavic  shores  of  modem  Prussia;  the 
larger  part  of  Norway  came  for  some  years  to  be  a 
vassal  state  under  the  great  earl,  Hakon  the  Bad; 
the  Wick,  which  comprised  the  shores  of  the  great 
inlet  that  is  now  known  as  the  Christiania  Firth, 
was  regarded  as  a  component  part' of  the  Danish 
monarchy,  though  in  fact  the  obedience  rendered 
anywhere  in  Norway  was  very  slight. 

In  the  legendary  age  a  famous  dynasty  known  as 
the  Shieldings  appears  to  have  mled  over  Danes 
and  Jutes.  The  family  took  its  name  from  a 
mythical  ancestor.  King  Shield,  whose  coming  to 
the  Daneland  is  told  in  the  opening  lines  of  the 
Old  English  epic  Beowulf.     The  Shieldings  were 


4  Canute  the  Great 

worthy  descendants  of  their  splendid  progenitor: 
they  possessed  in  full  measure  the  royal  virtues 
of  valour,  courage,  and  munificent  hospitality. 
How  far  their  exploits  are  to  be  regarded  as  his- 
toric is  a  problem  that  does  not  concern  us  at 
present;  though  it  seems  likely  that  the  Danish 
foreworld  is  not  without  its  historic  realities. 

Whether  the  kings  of  Denmark  in  the  tenth 
century  were  of  Shielding  ancestry  is  a  matter  of 
doubt ;  the  probabilities  are  that  they  sprang  from 
a  different  stem.  The  century  opened  with  Gorm 
the  Aged,  the  great-grandfather  of  Canute,  on  the 
throne  of  Shield,  ruling  all  the  traditional  regions 
of  Denmark, — Scania,  the  Isles,  and  Jutland — 
but  apparently  residing  at  Jelling  near  the  south- 
east comer  of  the  peninsula,  not  far  from  the 
Saxon  frontier.  Tradition  remembers  him  as  a 
tall  and  stately  man,  but  a  dull  and  indolent  king, 
wanting  in  all  the  elements  of  greatness.  ^  In  this 
case,  however,  tradition  is  not  to  be  trusted. 
Though  we  have  little  real  knowledge  of  Danish 
history  in  Gorm's  day,  it  is  evident  that  his  reign 
was  a  notable  one.  At  the  close  of  the  ninth 
centmry,  the  monarchy  seems  to  have  faced 
dissolution;  the  sources  tell  of  rebellious  vassals, 
of  a  rival  kingdom  in  South  Jutland,  of  German 
interference  in  other  parts  of  the  Jutish  peninsula. ' 
Gorm's  great  task  and  achievement  were  to  reunite 
the  realm  and  to  secure  the  old  frontiers. 

'  Saxo,  Gesta  Danorum,  318. 

•Wimmer,  De  danske  RmiemindesmcBrker,  I.,  ii.,  71-72. 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great         5 

Though  legend  has  not  dealt  kindly  with  the 
King  himself,  it  has  honoured  the  memory  of  his 
masterful  Queen.  Thyra  was  clearly  a  superior 
woman.  Her  nationality  is  unknown,  but  it  seems 
likely  that  she  was  of  Danish  blood,  the  daughter 
of  an  earl  in  the  Holstein  country.  *  To  this  day 
she  is  known  as  Thyra  Daneboot  (Danes*  defence) 
— a  term  that  first  appears  on  the  memorial  stone 
that  her  husband  raised  at  Jelling  soon  after  her 
death.  In  those  days  Henry  the  Fowler  ruled  in 
Germany  and  showed  hostile  designs  on  Jutland. 
In  934,  he  attacked  the  viking  chiefs  in  South 
Jutland  and  reduced  their  state  to  the  position  of 
a  vassal  realm.  Apparently  he  also  encoiiraged 
them  to  seek  compensation  in  Gorm's  kingdom. 
To  protect  the  peninsula  from  these  dangers  a 
wall  was  built  across  its  neck  between  the  Schley 
inlet  and  the  Treene  River.  This  was  the  cele- 
brated Danework,  fragments  of  which  can  still 
be  seen.  In  this  undertaking  the  Queen  was 
evidently  the  moving  force  and  spirit.  Three 
years,  it  is  said,  were  required  to  complete  Thyra's 
great  fortification.  The  material  character  of  the 
Queen's  achievement  doubtless  did  much  to  pre- 
serve a  fame  that  was  highly  deserved ;  at  the  same 
time,  it  may  have  suggested  comparisons  that 
were  not  to  the  advantage  of  her  less  fortunate 
consort.  The  Danework,  however,  proved  only 
a  temporary  frontier;  a  century  later  Thyra's 
great  descendant  Canute  pushed  the  boundary 

'  Danmarks  Riges  Hisiorie,  i.,  293. 


6  Canute  the  Great 

to  the  Eider  River  and  the  border  problem  found 
a  fairly  permanent  solution. 

In  the  Shielding  age,  the  favourite  seat  of  royalty 
was  at  Lethra  (Leire)  in  Zealand,  at  the  head  of 
Roeskild  Firth.  Here,  no  doubt,  was  located 
the  famous  hall  Heorot,  of  which  we  read  in 
Beowulf.  There  were  also  king's  garths  else- 
where; the  one  at  Jelling  has  already  been  men- 
tioned as  the  residence  of  Gorm  and  Thyra.  After 
the  Queen's  death  her  husband  raised  at  Jelling, 
after  heathen  fashion,  a  high  mound  in  her  honour, 
on  the  top  of  which  a  rock  was  placed  with  a  brief 
nmic  inscription: 

Gorm  the  king  raised  this  stone  in  memory  of 
Thyra  his  wife,  Denmark's  defence.' 

The  runologist  Ludvig  Wimmer  believes  that  the 
inscription  on  the  older  Jelling  stone  dates  from 
the  period  935-940;  a  later  date  is  scarcely  proba- 
ble. The  Queen  evidently  did  not  long  survive 
the  famous  "defence." 

A  generation  later,  perhaps  about  the  year  980, 
Harold  Bluetooth,  Gorm's  son  and  successor, 
raised  another  mound  at  Jelling,  this  one,  apparent- 
ly, in  honour  of  his  father.  The  two  mounds  stand 
about  two  hundred  feet  apart;  at  present  each  is 
about  sixty  feet  high,  though  the  original  height 
must  have  been  considerably  greater.  Midway 
between  them  the  King  placed  a  large  rock  as  a 
monument  to  both  his  parents,  which  in  addition 

'  Wimmer,  De  danske  Runemindesmarker,  I.,  ii.,  15. 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great         7 

to  its  runic  dedication  bears  a  peculiar  blending  of 
Christian  symbols  and  heathen  ornamentation. 
The  inscription  is  also  more  elaborate  than  that 
on  the  lesser  stone: 

Harold  the  king  ordered  this  memorial  to  be  raised 
in  honour  of  Germ  his  father  and  Thyra  his  mother, 
the  Harold  who  won  all  Denmark  and  Norway  and 
made  the  Danes  Christians. ' 

In  one  sense  the  larger  stone  is  King  Harold's 
own  memorial.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  the 
inscription  credits  the  King  with  three  notable 
achievements:  the  unification  of  Denmark,  the 
conquest  of  Norway,  and  the  introduction  of 
Christianity.  The  allusion  to  the  winning  of 
Denmark  doubtless  refers  to  the  suppression  of  re- 
volts, perhaps  more  specifically  to  the  annihila- 
tion of  the  viking  realm  and  dynasty  south  of  the 
Danework  (about  950).*  In  his  attitude  toward 
his  southern  neighbours  Harold  continued  the 
policy  of  Gorm  and  Thyra:  wars  for  defence 
rather  than  for  territorial  conquest. 

It  is  said  that  King  Harold  became  a  Christian 
(about  960)  as  the  result  of  a  successful  appeal  to 
the  judgment  of  God  by  a  zealous  clerk  named 
Poppo.  The  heated  iron  (or  iron  gauntlet,  as 
Saxo  has  it)  was  carried  the  required  distance, 
but  Poppo's  hand  sustained  no  injury.  Whatever 
be  the  truth  about  Poppo's  ordeal,  it  seems  evident 

*  Wimmer,  De  danske  Runemindesmcerker,  I.,  ii.,  28-29. 
» Ibid.,  72. 


8  Canute  the  Great 

that  some  such  test  was  actually  made,  as  the 
earliest  account  of  it,  that  of  Widukind  of  Corvey, 
was  written  not  more  than  a  decade  after  the 
event.  ^  The  importance  of  the  ordeal  is  manifest : 
up  to  this  time  the  faith  had  made  but  small  head- 
way in  the  Northern  countries.  With  the  con- 
version of  a  king,  however,  a  new  situation  was 
created:  Christianity  still  had  to  continue  its 
warfare  against  the  old  gods,  but  signs  of  victory 
were  multiplying.  One  of  the  first  fruits  of  Harold 
Bluetooth's  conversion  was  the  Church  of  the 
Holy  Trinity,  built  at  Roeskild  by  royal  command,  ^ 
— a  church  that  long  held  an  honoured  place  in 
the  Danish  establishment.  In  various  ways  the 
history  of  this  church  closely  touches  that  of  the 
dynasty  itself:  here  the  bones  of  the  founder  were 
laid;  here,  too,  his  ungrateful  son  Sweyn  found 
quiet  for  his  restless  spirit;  and  it  was  in  this 
church  where  Harold's  grandson,  Canute  the 
Great,  stained  and  violated  sanctuary  by  ordering 
the  murder  of  Ulf,  his  sister's  husband. 

In  the  wider  activities  of  the  tenth  centurj'-, 
Harold  Bluetooth  played  a  large  and  important 
part.  About  the  time  he  accepted  Christianity, 
he  visited  the  Slavic  regions  on  the  south  Baltic 
coasts  and  established  his  authority  over  the  lands 
about  the  mouth  of  the  Oder  River.  Here  he 
founded  the  stronghold  of  Jomburg,  the  earls  and 

*  Danmarks  Riges  Historic,  i.,  335-336.     Saxo,  Gesta  Danorum, 

338.     Saxo  places  the  ordeal  in  the  reign  of  Harold's  successor. 

'  Adamus,  Gesta  Hammenburgensis  Ecclesice  Pontificum,  ii.,  c.26. 


i    V         / 


m 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great        9 

garrisons  of  which  played  an  important  part  in 
Northern  history  for  more  than  two  generations. 
The  object  of  this  expansion  into  Wendland  was  no 
doubt  principally  to  secure  the  Slavic  trade  which 
was  of  considerable  importance  and  which  had 
interested  the  Danes  for  more  than  two  centuries.  * 
As  the  Wendish  tribes  had  practically  no  cities  or 
recognised  markets,  the  new  establishment  on  the 
banks  of  the  Oder  soon  grew  to  be  of  great  com- 
mercial as  well  as  of  military  importance. 

During  the  same  period  Harold's  attention  was 
turned  to  Norway  where  a  difficult  situation  had 
arisen.  Harold  Fairhair,  the  founder  of  the  Norse 
monarchy,  left  the  sovereignty  to  his  son  Eric 
(later  named  Bloodax) ;  but  the  jealousies  of  Eric's 
many  brothers  combined  with  his  own  cruel 
regime  soon  called  forth  a  reaction  in  favour  of  a 
younger  brother,  Hakon  the  Good,  whose  youth 
had  been  spent  under  Christian  influences  at  the 
English  court.  King  Hakon  was  an  excellent 
ruler,  but  the  raids  of  his  nephews,  the  sons  of 
Eric,  caused  a  great  deal  of  confusion.  The  young 
exiles  finally  found  a  friend  in  Harold  Bluetooth 
who  even  adopted  one  of  them,  Harold  Grayfell, 
as  his  own  son.  * 

The  fostering  of  Harold  Grayfell  had  important 
consequences  continuing  for  two  generations  till 
the  invasion  of  Norway  by  Canute  the  Great. 
With  a  force  largely  recruited  in  Denmark,   the 

*  Danmarks  Riges  Historic,  i.,  322-324. 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Hakon  the  Good,  cc.  3,  4,  5,  lO. 


10  Canute  the  Great 

sons  of  Eric  attacked  Norway  and  came  upon  King 
Hakon  on  the  island  of  Stord  where  a  battle  was 
fought  in  which  the  King  fell  (961).  But  the 
men  who  had  slain  their  royal  kinsman  found  it 
difficult  to  secure  recognition  as  kings:  the  result 
of  the  battle  was  that  Norway  was  broken  up  into 
a  nimiber  of  petty  kingdoms  and  earldoms,  each 
aiming  at  practical  independence. 

A  few  years  later  there  appeared  at  the  Danish 
court  a  yoimg,  handsome,  talented  chief,  the 
famous  Earl  Hakon  whose  father,  Sigurd,  earl  in 
the  Throndelaw,  the  sons  of  Eric  had  treacherously 
slain.  The  King  of  Denmark  had  finally  dis- 
covered that  his  foster-son  was  anything  but  an 
obedient  vassal,  and  doubtless  rejoiced  in  an 
opportunity  to  interfere  in  Norwegian  affairs. 
Harold  Grajrfell  was  lured  down  into  Jutland 
and  slain.  With  a  large  fleet  the  Danish  King 
then  proceeded  to  Norway.  The  whole  country 
submitted :  the  southern  shores  from  the  Naze  east- 
ward were  added  to  the  Danish  crown ;  the  Thron- 
delaw and  the  regions  to  the  north  were  apparently 
granted  to  Earl  Hakon  in  full  sovereignty;  the 
rest  was  created  into  an  earldom  which  he  was  to 
govern  as  vassal  of  the  King  of  Denmark.  ^ 

A  decade  passed  without  serious  difficulties 
between  vassal  and  overlord,  when  events  on  the 
German  border  brought  demands  on  the  earl's 
fidelity  to  which  the  proud  Norseman  would  not 

'  Snorre,  Olaf  Trygvesson's  Saga,  c.  15.  See  also  Munch, 
Det  norske  Folks  Historic,  I.,  ii.,  53. 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great       ii 

submit.  It  seems  probable  that  King  Harold 
in  a  vague  way  had  recognised  the  overlordship  of 
the  Emperor;  at  any  rate,  in  973,  when  the  great 
Otto  was  celebrating  his  last  Easter  at  Quedling- 
burg,  the  Danish  King  sent  embassies  and  gifts/ 
A  few  weeks  later  the  Emperor  died  and  almost 
immediately  war  broke  out  between  Danes  and 
Saxons. 

Hostilities  soon  ceased,  but  the  terms  of  peace 
are  said  to  have  included  a  promise  on  Harold's 
part  to  introduce  the  Christian  faith  among  his 
Norwegian  subjects.  Earl  Hakon  had  come  to 
assist  his  overlord;  he  was  known  to  be  a  zealous 
heathen;  but  King  Harold  seized  him  and  forced 
him  to  receive  baptism.  The  earl  felt  the  humilia- 
tion keenly  and  as  soon  as  he  had  left  Denmark 
he  repudiated  the  Danish  connection  and  for  a 
number  of  years  ruled  in  Norway  as  an  independ- 
ent sovereign.*  King  Harold  made  an  attempt 
to  restore  his  power  but  with  small  success. 
However,  the  claim  to  Norway  was  not  surrendered ; 
it  was  successfully  revived  by  Harold's  son  Sweyn 
and  later  still  by  his  grandson  Canute. 

Earl  Hakon's  revolt  probably  dates  from  974 
or  975 ;  King  Harold's  raid  along  the  Norse  coasts 
must  have  followed  within  the  next  few  years. 
The  succeeding  decade  is  memorable  for  two  not- 
able expeditions,  the  one  directed  against  King 
Eric  of  Sweden,   the  second  against  Hakon  of 

*  Thietmar,  Chronicon,  ii.,  c.  20. 

»  Snorre,  Olaf  Trygvesson's  Saga,  cc.  24,  26-28. 


12  Canute  the  Great 

Norway.  In  neither  of  these  ventures  was  Harold 
directly  interested;  both  were  undertaken  by  the 
vikings  of  Jom,  though  probably  with  the  Danish 
King's  approval  and  support.  The  Jomvikings 
were  in  the  service  of  Denmark  and  the  defeat 
that  they  suffered  in  both  instances  had  important 
results  for  future  history.  The  exact  dates  cannot 
be  determined;  but  the  battles  must  have  been 
fought  during  the  period  980-986. 

In  those  days  the  command  at  Jomburg  was 
held  by  Styrbjorn,  a  nephew  of  the  Swedish  King. 
Harold  Bluetooth  is  said  to  have  given  him  the 
earl's  title  and  his  daughter  Thyra  to  wife;  but 
this  did  not  satisfy  the  ambitious  prince,  whose 
desire  was  to  succeed  his  luicle  in  Sweden,  Having 
induced  his  father-in-law  to  permit  an  expedition, 
he  sailed  to  Uppland  with  a  strong  force.  The 
battle  was  joined  on  the  banks  of  the  Fyris  River 
where  King  Eric  won  a  complete  victory.  From 
that  day  he  was  known  as  Eric  the  Victorious.' 

Styrbjorn  fell  in  the  battle  and  Sigvaldi,  the 
son  of  a  Scanian  earl,  succeeded  to  the  command  at 
Jomburg.  In  some  way  he  was  induced  to  attack 
the  Norwegian  earl.  Late  in  the  year  the  fleet 
from  the  Oder  stole  northwards  along  the  Norse 
coast  hoping  to  catch  the  earl  unawares.  But 
Hakon's  son  Eric  had  learned  what  the  vikings 
were  planning  and  a  strong  fleet  carefully  hid  in 
Hjorunga  Bay  lay  ready  to  welcome  the  invader. 

The  encounter  at  Hjorunga  Bay  is  one  of  the 

■  Danmarks  Riges  Historie,  i.,  340-341. 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great       13 

most  famous  battles  in  Old  Norse  history.  During 
the  fight,  says  the  saga,  Earl  Hakon  landed  and 
sacrificed  his  young  son  Erling  to  the  gods.  The 
divine  powers  promptly  responded:  a  terrific 
hailstorm  that  struck  the  Danes  in  their  faces 
helped  to  turn  the  tide  of  battle,  and  soui  Sigvaldi 
was  in  swift  flight  southwards.^ 

As  to  the  date  of  the  battle  we  have  no  certain 
knowledge;  but  Munch  places  it,  for  apparently 
good  reasons,  in  986.  Saxo  is  probably  correct  in 
surmising  that  the  expedition  was  inspired  by 
King  Harold.*  As  to  the  significance  of  the  two 
defeats  of  the  Jomvikings,  there  can  be  but  one 
opinion:  northward  expansion  of  Danish  power 
had  received  a  decisive  check;  Danish  ambition 
must  find  other  fields. 

The  closing  years  of  Harold's  life  were  embit- 
tered by  rebellious  movements  in  which  his  son 
Sweyn  took  a  leading  part.  It  is  not  possible 
from  the  conflicting  accounts  that  have  come  down 
to  us  to  determine  just  why  the  Danes  showed  such 
restlessness  at  this  time.  It  has  been  thought 
that  the  revolts  represented  a  heathen  reaction 
against  the  new  faith,  or  a  nationalistic  protest 
against  German  influences;  these  factors  may 
have  entered  in,  but  it  is  more  likely  that  a  general 
dissatisfaction  with  Harold's  rule  caused  by  the 
ill  success  of  his  operations  against  Germans, 
Swedes,  and  Norwegians  was  at  the  bottom  of  the 

'  Snorre,  Olaf  Trygvesson's  Saga,  cc.  35-52. 
» Gesta  Danorum,  327. 


14  Canute  the  Great 

hostilities.  The  virile  personality  of  the  young 
prince  was  doubtless  also  a  factor.  To  later  writers 
his  conduct  recalled  the  career  of  Absalom;  but 
in  this  instance  disobedience  and  rebellion  had 
the  victory.  Forces  were  collected  on  both  sides ; 
battles  were  fought  both  on  land  and  on  sea. 
Finally  during  a  truce,  the  aged  King  was  wounded 
by  an  arrow,  shot,  according  to  saga,  from  the 
bow  of  Toki,  the  foster-father  of  Sweyn.  Faithful 
henchmen  carried  the  dying  King  across  the  sea 
to  Jomburg  where  he  expired  on  All  Saints'  Day 
(November  i),  probably  in  986,  the  year  of  the 
defeat  at  Hjorunga  Bay.  His  remains  were  car- 
ried to  Roeskild  and  interred  in  the  Church  of  the 
Holy  Trinity.^ 

Of  Harold's  family  not  much  is  known.  Accord- 
ing to  Adam  of  Bremen  his  queen  was  named 
Gunhild,  a  name  that  points  to  Scandinavian  ances- 
try.^ Saxo  speaks  of  a  Queen  Gyrith,  the  sister 
of  Styrbjom.  ^  On  a  runic  monument  at  Sender  Vis- 
sing,  not  far  from  the  garth  at  Jelling,  we  read  that 

Tova  raised  this  memorial, 
Mistiwi's  daughter, 
In  memory  of  her  mother, 
Harold  the  Good 
Gorm's  son's  wife* 

Tova  might  be  a  Danish  name,  but  Mistiwi  seems 
clearly  Slavic.     It  may  be  that  Harold  was  thrice 

'  Adamus,  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  26.     Saxo,  Gesta,  332, 

'  Gesta,  ii.,  cc.  3,  26.  3  Gesta,  325. 

*  Wimmer,  De  danske  Runemindesmcerker,  I.,  ii.,  78  ff. 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great       15 

married;  it  is  also  possible  that  Tova  in  baptism 
received  the  name  Gunhild.  Gyrith  was  most 
likely  the  wife  of  his  old  age.  The  question  is 
important  as  it  concerns  the  ancestry  of  Canute  . 
the  Great.  If  Tova  was  Canute's  grandmother 
(as  she  probably  was)  three  of  his  grandparents 
were  of  Slavic  blood. 

Of  Harold's  children  four  are  known  to  history. ' 
His  daughter  Thyra  has  already  been  mentioned 
as  the  wife  of  the  ill-fated  Styrbjom.  Another 
daughter,  Gunhild,  was  the  wife  of  an  Anglo- 
Danish  chief,  the  ealdorman  Pallig.  Two  sons 
are  also  mentioned,  Sweyn  and  Hakon.  Of  these 
Sweyn,  as  the  successor  to  the  kingship,  is  the  more 
important. 

The  accession  of  Swe3m  Forkbeard  to  the 
Danish  throne  marks  an  era  in  the  history  of 
Denmark.  Harold  Bluetooth  had  not  been  a 
weak  king:  he  had  enlarged  his  territories;  he 
had  promoted  the  cause  of  the  Christian  faith; 
he  had  striven  for  order  and  organised  life.  But 
his  efforts  in  this  direction  had  brought  him  into 
collision  with  a  set  of  forces  that  believed  in  the 
old  order  of  things.  In  Harold's  old  age  the 
Danish  viking  spirit  had  awakened  to  new  life^. 
soon  the  dragons  were  sailing  the  seas  as  of  old. 
With  a  king  of  the  Shielding  type  now  in  the  high- 
seat  at  Roeskild,  these  lawless  though  energetic 
elements  found  not  only  further  freedom  but 
royal  favour  and  leadership. 

It  would  seem  that  the  time  had  come  to  wipe 


1 6  Canute  the  Great 

away  the  stain  that  had  come  upon  the  Danish 
arms  at  Hjoninga  Bay;  but  no  immediate  move 
was  made  in  that  direction.  Earl  Hakon  was 
still  too  strong,  and  for  a  decade  longer  he  enjoyed 
undisputed  possession  of  the  Norwegian  sover- 
eignty. Sweyn  did  not  forget  the  claims  of  his 
dynasty,  but  he  bided  his  time.  Furthermore, 
this  same  decade  saw  larger  plans  developing  at 
the  Danish  court.  Norway  was  indeed  desirable, 
but  as  a  field  of  wider  activities  it  gave  no  great 
promise.  Such  a  field,  however,  seemed  to  be 
in  sight:  the  British  Isles  with  their  numerous 
kingdoms,  their  large  Scandinavian  colonies,  and 
their  consequent  lack  of  unifying  interests  seemed 
to  offer  opportunities  that  the  restless  Dane  could 
not  afford  to  neglect. 

The  three  Scandinavian  kingdoms  did  not 
comprise  the  entire  North:  in  many  respects, 
greater  Scandinavia  was  fully  as  important  as  the 
home  lands.  It  is  not  necessary  for  present  pur- 
poses to  follow  the  eastward  stream  of  colonisation 
that  transformed  the  Slavic  East  and  laid  the 
foundations  of  the  Russian  monarchy.  The 
southward  movement  of  the  Danes  into  the 
regions  about  the  mouth  of  the  Oder  will  be  dis- 
cussed more  in  detail  later.  The  story  of  Sweyn 
and  Canute  is  far  more  concerned  with  colonising 
movements  and  colonial  foundations  in  the  West. 
Without  the  preparatory  work  of  two  centuries, 
Canute's  conquest  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  kingdom 
would  have  been  impossible. 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great       17 

The  same  generation  that  saw  the  consolidation 
of  the  Norse  tribes  into  the  Norwegian  kingdom 
also  saw  the  colonisation  of  the  Faroe  Islands  and 
Iceland.  A  century  later  Norsemen  were  build- 
ing homes  on  the  bleak  shores  of  Greenland.  Less 
than  a  generation  later,  in  the  year  1000,  Vineland 
was  reached  by  Leif  the  Lucky.  ^  EarHer  still, 
perhaps  a  century  or  more  before  the  Icelandic 
migration,  the  Northmen  had  begiin  to  occupy 
parts  of  the  British  Isles.  The  ships  that  first 
sought  and  reached  North  Britain  probably 
sailed  from  two  folklands  (or  shires)  in  South- 
western Norway,  Hordaland  and  Rogaland,  the 
territories  about  the  modem  ports  of  Bergen  and 
Stavanger.  Due  west  from  the  former  city  lie 
the  Shetland  Islands;  in  the  same  direction  from 
Stavanger  are  the  Orkneys.  It  has  been  conjec- 
tured that  the  earliest  Scandinavian  settlements 
in  these  parts  were  made  on  the  shores  of  Pentland 

^  The  American  shores  were  evidently  too  far  distant  for 
successful  colonisation;  but  the  visits  to  the  far  West  clearly 
did  not  cease  with  the  journeys  of  Leif  and  his  associates.  Vine- 
land  is  mentioned  in  a  runic  monument  from  the  eleventh 
century  which  records  an  expedition  to  the  West  that  seems  to 
have  ended  disastrously: 

"They  came  out  [upon  the  ocean]  and  over  wide  stretches  [of 
land]  and  in  need  of  dry  clothes  for  changes  and  of  food  toward 
Vineland  and  over  icy  wastes  in  the  wilderness.  Evil  may 
deprive  one  of  good  fortime  so  that  death  comes  early. " 

This  inscription,  which  is  the  earliest  document  that  mentions 
the  New  World,  was  found  at  Honen  in  South-eastern  Norway. 
The  original  has  been  lost,  but  copies  are  extant.  The  trans- 
lation is  from  Bugge's  rendering  into  modem  Norse.  {Norges 
Historic,  I.,  ii.,  285.) 


1 8  Canute  the  Great 

Firth,  on  the  Orkneys  and  on  the  coast  of  Caithness. 
Thence  the  journey  went  along  the  north-western 
coast  of  Scotland  to  the  Hebrides  group,  across 
the  narrow  straits  to  Ireland,  and  down  to  the 
Isle  of  Man.^ 

The  Emerald  Isle  attracted  the  sea-kings  and 
the  period  of  pillage  was  soon  followed  by  an  age 
of  settlement.  The  earliest  Norse  colony  in 
Ireland  seems  to  have  been  founded  about  826, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Liffey,  where  the  city  of  Dublin 
grew  up  a  little  later,  and  for  centuries  remained 
the  centre  of  Norse  power  and  influence  on  the 
island.  Other  settlements  were  established  at 
various  points  on  the  east  coast,  notably  at  Wick- 
low,  Wexford,  and  Waterford,  which  names  show 
clearly  their  Norse  origin.  About  860  a  strong- 
hold was  built  at  Cork.  * 

Toward  the  close  of  the  eighth  century  the 
vikings  appeared  in  large  numbers  on  the  coasts 
of  Northern  England.  Two  generations  later 
they  had  destroyed  three  of  the  four  English 
kingdoms  and  were  organising  the  Danelaw  on 
their  ruins.  Still  later  Rolf  appeared  with  his 
host  of  Northmen  in  the  Seine  Valley  and  foimded 
the  Norman  duchy. 

'  Bugge,  Vikingerne,  i.,  135  ff. 

*  "All  along  the  Irish  coast  from  Belfast  to^Dublin  and  Limer- 
ick there  still  remains  an  unbroken  series  of  Norse  place  names, 
principally  the  names  of  firths,  islands,  reefs,  and  headlands, 
which  show  that  at  such  points  the  fairway  has  been  named  by 
Northmen."  Norges  Historie,  I.,  ii.,  87;  see  also  pp.  73-76. 
(Bugge.) 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great       19 

It  must  not  be  assumed  that  in  these  colonies 
the  population  was  exclusively  Scandinavian. 
The  native  elements  persisted  and  seem,  as  a  nile, 
to  have  lived  on  fairly  good  terms  with  the  in- 
vaders. It  is  likely  that  wherever  these  energetic 
Northerners  settled  they  became  the  dominant 
social  force;  but  no  feeling  of  contempt  or  aloof- 
ness appears  to  have  been  felt  on  either  side  after 
the  races  had  learned  to  know  each  other.  Inter- 
marriage was  frequent,  not  only  between  Dane 
and  Angle,  but  between  Celt  and  Norseman  as 
well.  In  time  the  alien  was  wholly  absorbed  into 
the  native  population;  but  in  the  process  the 
victorious  element  imderwent  a  profound  trans- 
formation which  extended  to  social  conventions 
as  well  as  to  race.  ^ 

The  largest  of  these  colonies  was  the  Danelaw,  a 
series  of  Danish  and  Norse  settlements  extending 
from  the  Thames  to  the  north  of  England.  Ac- 
cording t^  an  English  writer  of  the  twelfth  century, 
it  comprised  York  and  fourteen  shires  to  the  south. ' 
The  area  controlled  was  evidently  considerably 

'  Of  this  process  and  its  results  Normandy  furnishes  the  best 
illustration.  The  population  of  Rollo's  duchy  soon  came  to  be  a 
mixture  of  races  with  French  as  the  chief  element,  though  in 
some  sections,  as  the  Cotentin  and  the  Bessin,  the  inhabitants 
clung  to  their  Scandinavian  speech  and  customs  for  a  long  time. 
Steenstrup,  Norntannerne,  i.,  175-179. 

*  Simeon  of  Durham,  Opera  Omnia,  ii.,  393.  The  area 
varied  at  different  periods ;  but  the  earlier  Danelaw  seems  to  have 
comprised  fifteen  shires.  See  Steenstrup,  Norntannerne,  iv., 
36-37- 


20  Canute  the  Great 

larger  than  the  region  actually  settled;  and  in 
some  of  the  shires  the  Scandinavian  population 
was  probably  not  numerous.  Five  cities  in  the 
Danelaw  enjoyed  a  peculiar  pre-eminence.  These 
were  Lincoln,  Nottingham,  Derby,  Leicester,  and 
Stamford.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  these 
were  garrison  towns  held  and  organised  with  a 
view  to  securing  the  obedience  of  the  surrounding 
country.  ^  If  this  be  correct,  we  should  infer  that 
the  population  beyond  the  walls  was  largely 
Anglian.  The  Five  Boroughs  seem  to  have  had 
a  common  organisation  of  a  republican  type :  they 
formed  "the  first  federation  of  boroughs  known 
in  this  island,  and  in  fact  the  earliest  federation  of 
towns  known  outside  of  Italy.  "^  Part  of  the 
Danelaw  must  have  contained  a  large  Scandina- 
vian element,  especially  the  shires  of  Lincoln  and 
York.  3  There  were  also  Danish  and  Norwegian 
settlements  in  England  outside  the  Danelaw  in 


'  Steenstrup,  Normannerne,  iv.,  40-43. 

'  Saga  Book  of  the  Viking  Club,  VI.,  i.,  23  (Bugge).  See  also 
Collingwood,  Scandinavian  Britain,  109.  The  federation  was 
later  enlarged  till  it  included  Seven  Boroughs.  Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle,  1015. 

3  The  Danish  antiquarian  Worsaae  found  more  than  four 
hundred  Norse  place  names  in  Yorkshire  alone.  While  his  list 
cannot  be  regarded  as  final,  it  will  probably  be  found  to  be  fairly 
correct.  The  subject  of  English  place  names  has  not  yet  been 
fully  investigated.  Recent  studies  are  those  by  F.  M.  Stenton, 
The  Place  Names  of  Berkshire  (Reading,  191 1),  H  C.  Wyld  and 
T.  O.  Hirst,  The  Place  Names  of  Lancashire  (London,  191 1), 
and  F.  W.  Moorman,  The  Place  Names  of  the  West  Riding  of 
Yorkshire  (Leeds,  1910). 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great       21 

its  narrower  sense:  in  the  north-western  shires 
and  in  the  Severn  Valley,  perhaps  as  high  up  as 
Worcestershire.  ^ 

Danish  power  in  England  seems  to  have 
centered  about  the  ancient  city  of  York.  It  would 
be  more  nearly  correct  to  speak  of  Northumbria 
in  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries  as  a  Norse  than  as 
a  Danish  colony;  but  the  Angles  made  no  such 
distinction.  The  population  must  also  have 
contained  a  large  English  element.  A  native 
ecclesiastic  who  wrote  toward  the  close  of  the 
tenth  century  speaks  with  enthusiasm  of  the 
wealth  and  grandeur  of  York. 

The  city  rejoices  in  a  multitude  of  inhabitants; 
not  fewer  than  30,000  men  and  women  (children  and 
youths  not  counted)  are  munbered  in  this  city.  It  is 
also  filled  with  the  riches  of  merchants  who  come 
from  everywhere,  especially  from  the  Danish  nation.  * 

In  some  respects  the  Danelaw  is  the  most  im- 
portant fact  in  the  history  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
monarchy:  it  was  the  rock  on  which  Old  English 
nationality  foundered.  By  the  middle  of  the 
tenth  century,  Saxon  England  was  practically 
confined  to  the  country  south  of  the  Thames 
River  and  the  western  half  of  the  Midlands,  a 
comparatively  small  area  surrounded  by  Scandina- 
vian and  Celtic  settlements.  If  this  fact  is  fully 
appreciated,   there  should  be  little  difficulty  in 

'  Steenstrup,  Normannerne,  iii.,  228. 

•  Historians  of  the  Church  of  York,  i.,  454.  * 


22  Canute  the  Great 

understanding  the  loss  of  English  national  freedom 
in  the  days  of  Sweyn  and  Canute.  The  English 
kings'  did,  indeed,  exercise  some  sort  of  suzerain 
authority  over  most  of  the  neighbouring  colonies, 
but  this  authority  was  probably  never  so  complete 
as  historians  would  have  us  believe. 

It  is  worth  noting  that  the  scribe  whom  we  have 
quoted  above  speaks  of  the  Danes,  not  as  pirates 
but  as  merchants.  The  tenth  century  was,  on  the 
whole,  so  far  as  piratical  expeditions  are  concerned, 
an  age  of  peace  in  the  North.  The  word  viking  is 
old  in  the  mediaeval  dialects,  and  Scandinavian 
pirates  doubtless  visited  the  shores  of  Christian 
Europe  at  a  very  early  date.  But  the  great 
viking  age  was  the  ninth  century,  when  the  field  of 
piratical  operations  covered  nearly  half  of  Europe 
and  extended  from  Iceland  to  Byzantium.  The 
movement  culminated  in  the  last  quarter  of  the 
century  and  was  followed  by  a  constructive  period 
of  nearly  one  hundred  years,  when  society  was 
being  reorganised  or  built  anew  in  the  conquered 
lands.  The  Icelandic  repubHc  was  taking  form. 
The  Norman  duchy  was  being  organised.  The 
Northmen  in  the  Danelaw  were  being  forced  into 
political  relations  with  the  Saxon  kings.  Trade 
began  to  follow  new  routes  and  find  new  harbours. 
The  older  Scandinavian  cities  acqmred  an  added 
fame  and  importance,  while  new  towns  were  being 
founded  both  in  the  home  lands  and  in  the  western 
islands. 

This  lull  in  the  activities  of  the  sea-kings  gave 


SCANDINAVIAN   SETTLEMENTS 

BRITAIN    AND    NORMANDY 

The  Danelaw ES3 

Norse  Settlements  ^S  


SCALE  OF  MILES 
0         25  60 


^ 


THE    /IVE  ^  y 
Derby  .  ^>^otllo»B«.» 
30R0UGHS 

\9U»«ord.    ...■:i  }      EAST 

J,el«»ter  liKi, 

^J^-.  ..■..•■•    ,^M^    ANGLIA 


Wkillncfard 


Cioterbory 


ISLE  or  WIOMT 


'^     LoQfcitude     Wert       4"     from     Greenwich 


0°       Lontlmdt  E«»t 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great       23 

the  western  rulers  an  opportunity  to  regain  much 
that  had  been  lost.  In  England  the  expansion 
of  Wessex  which  had  begun  in  the  days  of  Alfred 
was  continued  iinder  his  successors,  until  in 
Edgar's  day  one  lord  was  recognised  from  the 
Channel  to  the  Forth.  But  with  Edgar  died  both 
majesty  and  peace.  About  980  the  viking  spirit 
was  reawakened  in  the  North.  The  raven  banner 
reappeared  in  the  western  seas,  and  soon  the 
annals  of  the  West  began  to  recoimt  their  direful 
tales.  Among  all  the  chiefs  of  this  new  age,  one 
stands  forth  pre-eminent,  Sweyn  with  the  Forked 
Beard,  whose  remarkable  achievement  it  was  to 
enlist  aU  this  lawless  energy  for  a  definite  purpose, 
the  conquest  of  Wessex. 

In  979  Ethelred  the  Ill-counselled  was  crowned 
king  of  England  and  began  his  long  disastrous 
reign.  If  we  may  trust  the  Abingdon  chronicler, 
who,  as  a  monk,  shoiild  be  truthful,  England  was 
duly  warned  of  the  sorrows  to  come.  For  "in 
that  same  year  blood-red  clouds  resembHng  fire 
were  frequently  seen;  usually  they  appeared  at 
midnight  hanging  like  moving  pillars  painted 
upon  the  sky. "  The  King  was  a  mere  boy  of  ten 
summers;  later  writers  could  teU  us  that  signs  of 
degeneracy  were  discovered  in  the  prince  as  early 
as  the  day  of  his  baptism.  On  some  of  his  con- 
temporaries, however,  he  seems  to  have  made  a 
favourable  impression.  We  cannot  depend  much 
on  the  praises  of  a  Norse  scald  who  sang  in  the 
King's  presence;  but  perhaps  we  can  trust  the 


24  Canute  the  Great 

English  writer  who  describes  him  as  a  youth  of 
"elegant  manners,  handsome  features,  and  comely 
appearance."^ 

That  Ethelred  proved  an  incompetent  king  is 
beyond  dispute.  Still,  it  is  doubtful  whether  any 
ruler  with  capabilities  less  than  those  of  an  Alfred 
could  have  saved  England  in  the  early  years  of  the 
eleventh  century.  For  Ethelred  had  succeeded 
to  a  perilous  inheritance.  In  the  new  territorial 
additions  to  Wessex  there  were  two  chief  elements, 
neither  of  which  was  distinctly  pro-Saxon:  the 
Dane  or  the  half-Danish  colonist  w^as  naturally 
hostile  to  the  Saxon  regime;  his  Anglian  neighbour 
recalled  the  former  independence  of  his  region  as 
Mercia,  East  Anglia,  or  Northumbria,  and  was 
weak  in  his  loyalty  to  the  southern  dynasty.  The 
spirit  of  particularism  asserted  itself  repeatedly,  for 
it  seems  unlikely  that  the  many  revolts  in  the 
tenth  century  were  Danish  uprisings  merely. 

It  seems  possible  that  Ethelred 's  government 
might  have  been  able  to  maintain  itself  after  a 
fashion  and  perhaps  would  have  satisfied  the 
demands  of  the  age,  had  it  not  been  that  vast 
hostile  forces  were  just  then  released  in  the  North. 
These  attacked  Wessex  from  two  directions: 
fleets  from  the  Irish  Sea  ravaged  the  South-west ; 
vikings  from  the  East  entered  the  Channel  and 
plundered  the  southern  shores.  It  is  likely  that 
in   the    advance-guard    of   the    renewed    piracy, 

'  Historians  of  the  Church  of  York,  i.,  455.  For  a  fragment  of 
a  lay  in  praise  of  Ethelred  see  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  iii. 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great       25 

Sweyn  Forkbeard  was  a  prominent  leader.  We 
have  seen  that  during  the  last  years  of  Harold's 
reign,  there  were  trouble  and  ill-feeling  between 
father  and  son.  These  years,  it  seems,  the  un- 
dutiful  prince  spent  in  exile  and  piratical  raids. 
As  the  Baltic  would  scarcely  be  a  safe  refuge  imder 
the  circumstances,  we  may  assiime  that  those 
seven  years  were  spent  in  the  West.  ^ 

In  the  second  year  of  Ethelred's  reign  the 
incursions  began:  "the  great  chief  Behemoth  rose 
against  him  with  all  his  companions  and  engines  of 
war."*  In  that  year  Chester  was  plundered  by 
the  Norsemen;  Thanet  and  Southampton  were 
devastated  by  the  Danes.  The  troubles  at 
Chester  are  of  slight  significance ;  they  were  doubt- 
less merely  the  continuation  of  desultory  warfare 
in  the  upper  Irish  Sea.  But  the  attack  on  South- 
ampton, the  port  of  the  capital  city  of  Winchester, 
was  ominous :  though  clearly  a  private  undertaking 
it  was  significant  in  revealing  the  weakness  of 
English  resistance.  The  vikings  probably  win- 
tered among  their  coimtrymen  on  the  shores  of  the 
Irish  Sea,  for  South-western  England  was  again 
visited  and  harried  during  the  two  succeeding 
years. 

For  a  few  years  (983-986)  there  was  a  lull  in  the 

^  Saxo  gives  the  period  as  seven  years  {Gesta,  337).  But  his 
account  is  confused  and  unreliable;  seven  must  be  taken  as  a 
round  number.  Still,  the  period  between  the  renewal  of  the 
raids  in  England  and  Sweyn's  accession  covers  nearly  seven 
years. 

*  Historians  of  the  Church  of  York,  i.,  455.  ' 


26  Canute  the  Great 

operations  against  England.  The  energies  of  the 
North  were  employed  elsewhere :  this  was  evident- 
ly the  period  of  Styrbjom's  invasion  of  Sweden 
and  Sigvaldi's  attack  on  Norway  with  the  des- 
perate battles  of  Fyris  River  and  Hjorunga  Bay. 
But,  in  986,  viking  ships  in  great  numbers  appeared 
in  the  Irish  Sea.  ^  Two  years  later  a  fleet  visited 
Devon  and  entered  Bristol  Channel.  It  is  prob- 
able that  Norman  ships  took  part  in  this  raid; 
at  any  rate  the  Danes  sold  English  plunder  in 
Normandy. 

In  991,  the  attack  entered  upon  a  new  phase. 
EarUer  the  country  had  suffered  from  raids  in 
which  no  great  number  of  vikings  had  taken  part 
in  any  instance;  now  they  came  in  armies  and  the 
attack  became  almost  an  invasion.  That  year  a 
fierce  battle  was  fought  near  Maldon*  in  Essex 
where  one  of  the  chief  leaders  of  the  vikings  was 
an  exiled  Norwegian  prince,  Olaf  Trygvesson,  who 
four  years  later  restored  the  Norwegian  throne. 
It  is  likely,  therefore,  that  the  host  was  not 
exclusively  Danish  but  gathered  from  the  entire 
North. 

The  fight  at  Maldon  was  a  crushing  defeat  for 
the  English  and  consternation  ruled  in  the  coimcils 
of  the  irresolute  King.     Siric,  the  Archbishop  of 

'  Steenstrup,  Normannerne,  iii.,  221. 

'  The  English  were  led  by  the  East  Anglian  ealdorman  Byrht- 
noth,  whose  valour  and  death  are  told  in  what  is  perhaps  the 
finest  poem  in  Old  English  literature.  See  Grein-Wulker, 
Bibliothek  der  angelsdchsischen  Poesie,  i.,  358-373. 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great       2^ 

Canterbury,  and  two  ealdormen  were  sent  as  an 
embassy  to  the  viking  camp  to  sue  for  peace.  A 
treaty  was  agreed  to  which  seems  to  imply  that 
the  host  was  to  be  permitted  to  remain  in  East 
Anglia  for  an  undefined  time.  The  vikings 
promised  to  defend  England  against  any  other 
piratical  bands,  thus  virtually  becoming  mer- 
cenaries for  the  time  being.  In  return  Ethelred 
agreed  to  pay  a  heavy  tribute  and  to  furnish  pro- 
visions "the  while  that  they  remain  among  us."* 
Thus  began  the  Danegeld  which  seems  to  have 
developed  into  a  permanent  tax  in  the  reign  of 
Canute. 

The  next  year  King  Ethelred  collected  a  fleet 
in  the  Thames  in  the  hope  of  entrapping  his  new 
allies;  but  treason  was  abroad  in  England  and  the 
plan  failed.'  The  following  year  the  pirates 
appeared  in  the  Humber  country;  here,  too,  the 
English  defence  melted  away.  After  relating  the 
flight  of  the  Anglian  leaders,  Florence  of  Worcester 
adds  significantly,  "because  they  were  Danes  on 
the  paternal  side.  "^ 

The  next  year  (994)  King  Sweyn  of  Denmark 
joined  the  fleet  of  Olaf  and  his  associates  and  new 
purposes  began  to  appear.     Instead  of  seeking 

*  For  the  treaty  see  Liebermann,  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  i., 
220-225. 

'Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  992,  993.  As  the  betrayer,  Alfric, 
had  a  part  in  the  treaty-making  of  the  year  before,  he  may  have 
looked  on  the  new  plans  as  dishonourable. 

J  Chronicon,  i.,  150-151. 


28  Canute  the  Great 

promiscuous  plunder,  the  invaders  attempted  to 
reduce  cities  and  strongholds.  Once  more  the 
English  sued  for  peace  on  the  basis  of  tribute.^ 
Sweyn  evidently  returned  to  Denmark  where  his 
presence  seems  to  have  been  sorely  needed.  For 
two  years  England  enjoyed  comparative  peace. 
The  energies  of  the  North  found  other  employment : 
we  read  of  raids  on  the  Welsh  coast  and  of  piratical 
expeditions  into  Saxony;  interesting  events  also 
occurred  in  the  home  lands.  To  these  years 
belong  the  revolt  of  the  Norsemen  against  Earl 
Hakon,  and  perhaps  also  the  invasion  of  Denmark 
by  Eric  the  Victorious. 

Thirty  years  of  power  had  developed  tyrannical 
passions  in  the  Norwegian  Earl.  According  to  the 
sagas  he  was  cruel,  treacherous,  and  licentious. 
Every  year  he  became  more  overbearing  and 
despotic;  every  year  added  to  the  total  of  dis- 
content. Here  was  Sweyn  Forkbeard's  oppor- 
tunity; but  he  had  other  irons  in  the  fire,  and  the 
opportunity  fell  to  another.  About  995  a  pre- 
tender to  the  Norse  throne  arrived  from  the  West, — 
Olaf  Trygvesson,  the  great-grandson  of  Harold 
Fairhair. 

Our  earliest  reliable  information  as  to  Olaf's 
career  comes  from  English  sources ;  they  tell  of  his 
operations  in  Britain  in  991  and  994  and  the 
circumstances  indicate  that  the  intervening  years 
were  also  spent  on  these  islands.  While  in 
England  he  was  attracted  to  the  Christian  faith, 

*  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  994. 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great       29 

a  fact  that  evidently  came  to  be  known  to  the 
EngHsh,  for,  in  the  negotiations  of  994,  particular 
attention  was  paid  to  the  princely  chieftain.  An 
embassy  was  sent  to  him  with  Bishop  Alphege  as 
leading  member,  and  the  outcome  was  that  Olaf 
came  to  visit  King  Ethelred  at  Andover,  where  he 
was  formally  admitted  to  the  Christian  commun- 
ion, Ethelred  acting  as  godfather.  ^ 

At  Andover,  Olaf  promised  never  to  come  again 
to  England  "with  unpeace";  the  Chronicler  adds 
that  he  kept  his  word.  With  the  coming  of  spring 
he  set  out  for  Norway  and  never  again  saw  England 
as  friend  or  foe.  We  do  not  know  what  induced 
him  at  this  time  to  take  up  the  fight  with  Hakon 
the  Bad;  but  doubtless  it  was  in  large  measure  due 
to  urging  on  the  part  of  the  Church.  For  Olaf 
the  Viking  had  become  a  zealous  believer;  when  he 
landed  in  Norway  he  came  provided  with  priests 
and  all  the  other  necessaries  of  Christian  worship. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  tell  the  story  of  the  Earl's 
downfall, — how  he  was  hoimded  into  a  pig-sty 
where  he  died  at  the  hands  of  a  thrall.  Olaf  was 
soon  universally  recognised  as  king  and  proceeded 
at  once  to  carry  out  his  great  and  difficult  purpose : 
to    christianise    a    strong    and    stubborn    people 

(995).^ 

As  to  the  second  event,  the  invasion  of  Sweyn's 
dominions  by  the  King  of  Sweden,  we  cannot  be  so 

'  Taranger,  Den  angelsaksiske  Kirkes  Indflydelse  paa  den 
norske,  125. 

'  Snorre,  Olaf  Trygvesson's  Saga,  cc.  47-50.       ' 


30  Canute  the  Great 

sure,  as  most  of  the  accounts  that  have  come  down 
to  us  are  late  and  difficult  to  harmonise.  Histor- 
ians agree  that,  some  time  toward  the  close  of  his 
reign.  King  Eric  sought  revenge  for  the  assistance 
that  the  Danish  King  had  given  his  nephew 
Styrbjom  in  his  attempt  to  seize  the  Swedish 
throne.  The  invasion  must  have  come  after 
Sweyn's  accession  (986?)  and  before  Eric's  death, 
the  date  of  which  is  variously  given  as  993,  995, 
996.'  If  Eric  was  still  ruling  in  994  when  Sweyn 
was  absent  in  England,  it  is  extremely  probable 
that  he  made  use  of  a  splendid  opportunity  tq 
seize  the  lands  of  his  enemy.  This  would  explain 
Sweyn's  readiness  to  accept  Ethelred's  terms  in 
the  winter  of  994-995.* 

After  the  death  of  King  Eric,  new  interests  and 
new  plans  began  to  germinate  in  the  fertile  mind 

*  Steenstrup  favours  the  earlier  date  {Danmarks  Riges  Historie, 
i.,  371);  Munch  sees  reasons  for  a  later  year  {Det  norske  Folks 
Historie,  I.,  ii.,  102). 

'  That  serious  business  was  awaiting  Sweyn  in  his  own  country 
is  evident  from  two  runic  inscriptions  that  have  been  found  in  the 
Jutish  borderland:  the  Heathby  (or  Vedelspang)  Stone  and  the 
Danework  Stone.  The  former  was  raised  by  "Thorolf,  Sweyn's 
housecarle"  in  memory  of  a  companion  "  who  died  when  brave 
men  were  besieging  Heathby. "  The  second  was  raised  by  Sweyn 
himself  "  in  memory  of  Skartha,  his  housecarle,  who  had  fared 
west  to  England  but  now  died  at  Heathby."  The  expedition 
to  the  West  may  have  been  the  one  that  Sweyn  undertook  in  994. 
One  stone  mentions  the  siege  of  Heathby,  but  Heathby  was 
destroyed  shortly  before  1 000.  The  siege  therefore  probably 
dates  from  995  or  one  of  the  following  years;  but  whether  the 
enemy  was  a  part  of  Eric's  forces  cannot  be  determined.  For 
the  inscriptions  see  Wimmer,  De  danske  RunemindesnuBrker,  I., 
ii.,  113,  117. 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great      31 

of  Sweyn  the  Viking.  Late  in  life  the  Swedish 
King  seems  to  have  married  a  yoimg  Swedish 
woman  who  is  known  to  history  as  Sigrid  the 
Haughty.  Sigrid  belonged  to  a  family  of  great 
wealth  and  prominence;  her  father  Tosti  was  a 
famous  viking  who  had  harvested  his  treasures  on 
an  alien  shore.  Eric  had  not  long  been  dead 
before  wooers  in  plenty  came  to  seek  the  hand  of  the 
rich  dowager.  So  importunate  did  they  become 
that  the  Queen  to  get  rid  of  them  is  said  to  have 
set  fire  to  the  house  where  two  of  them  slept.  Olaf 
Trygvesson  was  acceptable,  but  he  imposed  an 
impossible  condition:  Sigrid  must  become  a 
Christian.  When  she  finally  refused  to  surrender 
her  faith,  the  King  is  said  to  have  stricken  her 
in  the  face  with  his  gaimtlet.  The  proud  Queen 
never  forgave  him. 

Soon  afterwards  Sigrid  married  Sweyn  Forkbeard 
who  had  dismissed  his  earlier  consort,  Queen 
Gunhild,  probably  to  make  room  for  the  Swedish 
dowager.  We  do  not  know  what  motives  prompt- 
ed this  act,  but  it  was  no  doubt  urged  by  state- 
craft. In  this  way  the  wily  Dane  cemented  an 
alliance  with  a  neighbouring  state  which  had  but 
recently  been  hostile.  ^ 

The  divorced  Queen  was  a  Polish  princess  of  an 
eminent  Slavic  family;  she  was  the  sister  of 
Boleslav  Chrobri,  the  mighty  Polish  duke  who 
later  assumed  the  royal  title.  When  Gunhild 
retired  to  her  native  Poland,  she  may  have  taken 

'  Snorre,  Olaf  Trygvesson's  Saga,  cc.  43,  60-61,  91.  ..  • 


y 


32  Canute  the  Great 

with  her  a  small  boy  who  can  at  that  time  scarcely 
have  been  more  than  two  or  three  years  old, 
perhaps  even  younger.  The  boy  was  Canute,  the 
King's  younger  son,  though  the  one  who  finally 
succeeded  to  all  his  father's  power  and  policies. 
The  only  information  that  we  have  of  Canute's 
childhood  comes  from  late  and  not  very  reliable 
sources:  it  is  merely  this,  that  he  was  not  brought 
up  at  the  Danish  court,  but  was  fostered  by 
Thurkil  the  Tall,  one  of  the  chiefs  at  Jomburg 
and  brother  of  Earl  Sigvaldi.  ^  The  probabilities 
favour  the  accuracy  of  this  report.  It  was  cus- 
tomary in  those  days  to  place  boys  with  foster- 
fathers;  prominent  nobles  or  even  plain  franklins 
received  princes  into  their  households  and  regarded 
the  charge  as  an  honoured  trust.  Perhaps,  too,  a 
royal  child  would  be  safer  among  the  warriors  of 
Jomburg  than  at  the  court  of  a  stepmother  who  had 
employed  such  drastic  means  to  get  rid  of  undesir- 
able wooers.  The  character  of  his  early  impres- 
sions and  instruction  can  readily  be  imagined: 
Canute  was  trained  for  warfare. 

When  the  young  prince  became  king  of  England 
Thurkil  was  exalted  to  a  position  next  to  that  of 
the  ruler  himself.  After  the  old  chief's  death, 
Canute  seems  to  have  heaped  high  honours  on 
Thurkil's  son  Harold  in  Denmark.  We  cannot  be 
sure,  but  it  seems  likely  that  this  favour  is  to  be 
ascribed,  in  part,  at  least,  to  Canute's  affection 
for  his  foster-father  and  his  foster-brother. 

'  Flateyarbok,  i.,  203. 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great        33 

In  those  same  years  another  important  marriage 
was  formed  in  Sweyn's  household:  the  fugitive 
Eric,  the  son  of  Earl  Hakon  whose  power  was  now 
wielded  by  the  viking  Olaf ,  had  come  to  Denmark, 
where  Sweyn  Forkbeard  received  him  kindly  and 
gave  him  his  daughter  Gytha  in  marriage.  Thus 
there  was  formed  a  hostile  alliance  against  King 
Olaf  with  its  directing  centre  at  the  Danish  court. 
In  addition  to  his  own  resources  and  those  of  his 
stepson  in  Sweden,  Sweyn  could  now  count  on  the 
assistance  of  the  dissatisfied  elements  in  Norway 
who  looked  to  Eric  as  their  natural  leader. 

It  was  not  long  before  a  pretext  was  foimd  for 
an  attack.  Thyra,  Sweyn's  sister,  the  widow  of 
Styrbjom,  had  been  married  to  Mieczislav,  the 
Duke  of  Poland.  In  992,  she  was  widowed  the 
second  time.  After  a  few  years,  perhaps  in  998, 
Olaf  Trygvesson  made  her  queen  of  Norway. 
Later  events  would  indicate  that  this  marriage, 
which  Olaf  seems  to  have  contracted  without 
consulting  the  bride's  brother,  was  part  of  a  plan 
to  unite  against  Sweyn  all  the  forces  that  were 
presumably  hostile,  —  Poles,  Jomvikings,  and 
Norsemen.  ^ 

'  Snorre  tells  us  {Olaf  Trygvesson* s  Saga,  c.  92)  that  Thyra  had 
fled  from  her  husband,  who  is  mistakenly  called  Boleslav,  and  had 
come  as  a  fugitive  to  Olaf 's  court.  So  attractive  did  she  prove 
to  the  sympathetic  King  that  he  promptly  married  her.  The 
account  is  evidently  largely  fiction;  there  seems  to  have  been  a 
good  xmderstanding  between  Olaf  and  Boleslav  when  the  Norse 
fleet  came  south  in  1000.  In  the  account  given  above  I  have 
followed  Bugge  {Norges  Historie,  I.,  ii.,  271). 
3 


^ 


34  Canute  the  Great 

The  saga  writers,  keenly  alive  to  the  influence 
of  human  passion  on  the  affairs  of  men,  emphasise 
Sigrid's  hatred  for  Olaf  and  Thyra's  anxiety  to 
secure  certain  possessions  of  hers  in  Wendland  as 
important  causes  of  the  war  that  followed.  Each 
is  said  to  have  egged  her  husband  to  the  venture, 
though  Httle  urging  can  have  been  needed  in 
either  case.  In  the  siunmer  of  looo,  a  large  and 
splendid  Norwegian  fleet  appeared  in  the  Baltic. 
In  his  negotiations  with  Poles  and  Jomvikings, 
Olaf  was  apparently  successful:  Sigvaldi  joined  the 
expedition  and  Slavic  ships  were  added  to  the 
Norse  armament.  Halldor  the  Unchristian  tells  us 
that  these  took  part  in  the  battle  that  followed: 
"The  Wendish  ships  spread  over  the  bay,  and  the 
thin  beaks  gaped  with  iron  mouths  upon  the 
warriors."* 

Sweyn's  opportunity  had  come  and  it  was  not 
permitted  to  pass.  He  mustered  the  Danish 
forces  and  sent  messages  to  his  stepson  in  Sweden 
and  to  his  son-in-law  Eric.  Sigvaldi  was  also  in 
the  alliance.  Plans  were  made  to  ambush  the 
Norse  King  on  his  way  northward.  The  confeder- 
ates gathered  their  forces  in  the  harbour  of  Swald, 
a  river  mouth  on  the  Pomeranian  coast  a  little  to 
the  west  of  the  isle  of  Riigen.  Sigvaldi's  part  was 
to  feign  friendship  for  Olaf  and  to  lead  him  into 
the  prepared  trap.  The  plan  was  successfully 
carried  out.  A  small  part  of  King  Olaf's  fleet 
was  lured  into  the  harbour  and  attacked  from  all 

'  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  loi  (Vigfusson's  translation). 


.iW^- 


■"-ns 


^-1 


<   s  > 


The  Heritage  of  Canute  the  Great      35 

sides.  The  fight  was  severe  but  numbers  pre- 
vailed. Olaf 's  own  ship,  the  famous  Long  Serpent, 
was  boarded  by  Eric  Hakonsson's  men,  and  the 
King  in  the  face  of  sure  capture  leaped  into  the 
Baltic.  ^ 

The  victors  had  agreed  to  divide  up  Norway  and 
the  agreement  was  carried  out.  Most  of  the  coast 
lands  from  the  Naze  northwards  were  given  to 
Earl  Eric.  The  southern  shores,  the  land  from 
the  Naze  eastwards,  fell  to  King  Sweyn.  Seven 
shires  in  the  Throndhjem  country  and  a  single 
shire  in  the  extreme  Southeast  were  assigned  to  the 
Swedish  King;  but  only  the  last-mentioned  shire 
was  joined  directly  to  Sweden;  the  northern 
regions  were  given  as  a  fief  to  Eric's  younger 
brother  Sweyn  who  had  married  the  Swede- 
king's  daughter.  Similarly  Sweyn  Forkbeard 
enfeoffed  his  son-in-law  Eric,  but  the  larger  part 
he  kept  as  his  own  direct  possession. ' 

The  battle  of  Swald  was  of  great  importance  to 
the  policies  of  the  Knytlings.  The  rival  Norse 
kingdom  was  destroyed.  Once  more  the  Danish 
King  had  almost  complete  control  of  both  shores 
of  the  waterways  leading  into  the  Baltic.     Danish 

*  The  chief  authorities  on  the  battle  of  Swald  are  Snorre  and 
Adam  of  Bremen.  There  seems  also  to  be  an  allusion  to  the 
fight  in  an  inscription  on  a  runic  monument,  the  Aarhus  Stone, 
which  was  raised  by  four  men,  presumably  warriors,  in  memory 
of  a  comrade  "who  died  on  the  sea  to  the  eastward  when  the 
kings  were  fighting. "  Wimmer,  De  danske  RunemindesmcBrkerf 
I;  ii-,  133- 

» Norges  Historie,  I.,  ii.,  285-286. 


36 


Canute  the  Great 


hegemony  in  the  North  was  a  recognised  fact. 
But  ail  of  Norway  was  not  yet  a  Danish  possession 
— that  ambition  was  not  realised  before  the  reign 
of  Canute.     And  England  was  still  imconquered. 


DANISH  COINS   FROM   THE   REIGN  OF 

CANUTE,   MINTED   AT  ODENSE, 

VIBORG.   HEATHBY. 


CHAPTER  n 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  ENGLAND 
IOO3-IOI3 

DURING  the  five  years  of  rivalry  between 
Olaf  and  Swe3m  (995-1000),  England  had 
enjoyed  comparative  peace.  Incursions,  indeed, 
began  again  in  997;  but  these  were  cleariy  of  the 
earlier  type,  not  invasions  like  the  movements  led 
by  Olaf  and  Sweyn.  Who  the  leaders  were  at 
this  time  we  do  not  know;  but  the  Northern  kings 
were  in  those  years  giving  and  taking  in  marriage 
and  busily  plotting  each  other's  destruction,  so 
we  conclude  that  the  undertakings  continued  to  be 
of  the  private  sort,  led,  perhaps,  by  Norse  chiefs 
who  had  found  life  in  Norway  imcongenial  after 
King  Olaf  had  begim  to  persecute  the  heathen 
worshippers. 

The  English  had  now  come  to  realise  the  im- 
portance of  the  upper  Irish  Sea  as  a  rendezvous 
for  all  forms  of  piratical  bands;  and  the  need  of 
aggressive  warfare  at  this  point  was  clearly  seen. 
Accordingly,  in  the  year  1000,  Ethelred  collected 
a  fleet  and  an  army  and  harried  the  Norse  settle- 

37 


38  Canute  the  Great  [1003- 

ments  in  Cumberland  and  on  the  Isle  of  Man. 
The  time  was  opportune  for  a  movement  of  this 
sort,  as  no  reinforcements  from  the  North  could  be 
expected  that  year.  The  expedition,  however, 
accomphshed  nothing  of  importance;  for  the  fleet 
that  Ethelred  had  hoped  to  intercept  did  not 
return  to  the  western  waters  but  sailed  to  Nor- 
mandy. ^  Ethelred  was  angry  with  Duke  Richard 
of  Normandy  for  sheltering  his  enemies,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  attack  his  duchy  with  his  usual  ill  success.  ^ 

Nevertheless,  the  hostilities  terminated  favour- 
ably for  Ethelred,  as  the  Norman  duke  offered 
his  beaten  enemy  not  only  peace,  but  alliance. 
Recent  events  in  the  North  may  have  caused 
Richard  to  reflect.  The  diplomacy  of  Sweyn, 
culminating  in  the  partition  of  Norway,  had  made 
Denmark  a  state  of  great  importance.  Sweyn's 
designs  on  England  were  probably  suspected; 
at  any  rate,  Normandy  for  the  moment  seemed 
willing  to  support  England.  In  early  spring,  1002, 
the  bond  was  further  strengthened  by  a  marriage 
between  Ethelred  and  Duke  Richard's  sister 
Emma,  who  later  married  her  husband's  enemy, 
the  Danish  Canute.  That  same  year  England 
was  once  more  rid  of  the  enemy  through  the  pay- 
ment of  Danegeld.  ^ 

The  prospects  for  continued  peace  in  England 
were  probably  better  in  1002  than  in  any  other 

'  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  looo. 

=»  William  of  Jumieges,  Historia  Normannorum,  v.,  c.  4. 

*  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1002. 


1013]  The  Conquest  of  England  39 

year  since  the  accession  of  Ethelred.  But  toward 
the  end  of  the  year,  all  that  gold  and  diplomacy 
had  built  up  was  ruined  by  a  royal  order,  the 
stupidity  of  which  was  equalled  only  by  its  crimi- 
nality. On  Saint  Brice's  Day  (November  13), 
the  English  rose,  not  to  battle  but  to  murder,  y 
It  had  been  planned  on  that  date  to  rid  the  coun- 
try of  all  its  Danish  inhabitants.  How  extensive 
the  territory  was  that  was  thus  stained  with  blood, 
we  are  not  informed;  but  such  an  order  could 
not  have  been  carried  out  in  the  Danelaw.  In 
justification  of  his  act,  Ethelred  pleaded  that  he 
had  heard  of  a  Danish  conspiracy,  directed  not 
only  against  his  own  life,  but  against  the  lives  of 
the  EngHsh  nobility  as  well. 

It  is  likely  that,  when  England  bought  peace 
earlier  in  the  year,  a  number  of  the  vikings  re- 
mained in  the  land,  intending,  perhaps,  to  settle 
permanently;  such  arrangements  were  by  no  means 
imusual.  The  massacre  of  Saint  Brice's  may, 
therefore,  have  had  for  its  object  the  extermination 
of  the  raiders  that  came  in  looi.  But  these  were 
not  the  only  ones  slain:  among  the  victims  were 
Gtmhild,  King  Sweyn's  sister,  and  her  husband,^ 
the  ealdorman  Pallig.  ^  It  is  probable  that  Pallig, 
though  a  Saxon  official,  was  a  Dane  Hving  among 
the  Danes  in  some  Scandinavian  settlement  in 
South-western    England.^     We     are    told    that 

'  Richard  of  Cirencester,  Speculum  Historiale,  ii.,  147-148. 
'  As  there  seems  to  have  been  a  Danish  settlement  in  the  Severn 
Valley,  it  seems  probable  that  Pallig's  home  was  in  that  r^on. 


40  Canute  the  Great  tioo3- 

Ethelred  had  treated  him  well,  had  given  him 
lands  and  honours ;  but  he  did  not  remain  faithful 
to  his  lord ;  only  the  year  before,  when  the  vikings 
were  in  Devon,  he  joined  them  with  a  number  of 
ships.  Pallig  no  doubt  deserved  the  punishment 
of  a  traitor,  but  it  would  have  been  politic  in  his 
case  to  show  mercy.  If  he  was,  as  has  been 
conjectured  from  the  form  of  his  name,  connected 
with  the  family  of  Palna  Toki,  the  famous  Danish 
archer  and  legendary  organiser  of  the  Jomburg 
fraternity,  he  was  boiuid  to  Sweyn  by  double 
ties,  for  Palna  Told  was  Sweyn's  reputed  foster- 
father.  ^ 

Sweyn  Forkbeard  at  once  prepared  to  take 
revenge  for  the  death  of  his  kinsfolk.  The  next 
year  (1003),  his  sails  were  seen  from  the  cliffs  of 
the  Channel  shore.  But  before  proceeding  to  the 
attack,  he  seems  to  have  visited  his  Norman  friend, 
Duke  Richard  the  Good.  For  some  reason, 
displeasure,  perhaps,  at  the  shedding  of  noble 
Scandinavian  blood  on  Saint  Brice's  Day,  the 
duke  was  ready  to  repudiate  his  alliance  with  his 

*  The  story  of  Palna  Toki  is  told  in  various  sagas,  particularly 
JSmsvikingasaga.  Of  his  exploits  in  archery  Saxo  has  an  account 
in  his  tenth  book.  Having  once  boasted  that  no  apple  was  too 
small  for  his  arrow  to  find,  he  was  surprised  by  an  order  from  the 
King  that  he  should  shoot  an  arrow  from  his  son's  head.  The 
archer  was  reluctant  to  display  his  skill  in  this  fashion,  but  the 
shot  was  successful.  It  is  also  told  that  Palna  Toki  had  provided 
himself  with  additional  arrows  which  he  had  intended  for  the 
King  in  case  the  first  had  stricken  the  child.  Saxo  wrote  a 
century  before  the  time  of  the  supposed  Tell  episode. 


1013]  The  Conquest  of  England  41 

English  brother-in-law.  The  two  worthies  reached 
the  agreement  that  Normandy  should  be  an  open 
market  for  English  plunder  and  a  refuge  for  the 
sick  and  wounded  in  the  Danish  host.  ^  Evidently 
Sweyn  was  planning  an  extended  campaign. 

Having  thus  secured  himself  against  attacks 
from  the  rear,  Sweyn  proceeded  to  Exeter,  which 
was  delivered  into  his  hands  by  its  faithless  Nor- 
man commander  Hugo.*  In  the  surrender  of 
Exeter,  we  should  probably  see  the  first  fruit  of 
the  new  Danish-Norman  understanding.  From 
this  city  the  Danes  carried  destruction  into  the 
southern  shires.  The  following  year  (1004),  East 
Anglia  was  made  to  suffer.  Ulfketel,  the  earl  of 
the  region,  was  not  prepared  to  fight  and  made 
peace  with  Sweyn;  but  the  Danes  did  not  long 
observe  the  truce.  After  they  had  treacherously 
attacked  Thetford,  the  earl  gathered  his  forces  and 
tried  to  intercept  Sweyn's  marauding  bands  on 
their  way  back  to  the  ships;  but  though  the  East 
Anglians  fought  furiously,  the  Danes  escaped. 
The  opposition  that  Sweyn  met  in  the  half-Danish 
East  Anglia  seems  to  have  checked  his  operations. 
The  next  year  he  left  the  land.  ^ 

The  forces  of  evil  seemed  finally  to  have  spent 
their  strength,  for  the  years  1007  and  1008  were 
on  the  whole  comparatively  peaceful.  Those 
same  years  show  considerable  energy  on  the  part 

'  William  of  Jumifeges,  Historia  Normannorum,  v.,  c.  7. 
'Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1003. 
» Ibid.,  1004-1005. 


42  Canute  the  Great  [too3- 

of  the  English:  in  the  Pentecostal  season,  May, 
1008,  the  King  met  his  "wise  men"  at  Eanham, 
and  a  long  legislative  enactment  saw  the  light.  ^ 
It  was  hoped  that  by  extensive  and  thorough- 
going reforms  the  national  vigour  might  be  re- 
stored. Among  other  things  provisions  were  made 
for  an  extensive  naval  establishment,  based  on  a 
contribution  that  grew  into  the  ship  money  of  later 
fame.  A  large  nimiber  of  ships  were  actually  assem- 
bled; but  the  treacherous  spirit  and  the  jealous 
conduct  of  some  of  the  English  nobles  soon  ruined 
the  efficiency  of  the  fleet;  the  new  navy  went  to 
pieces  at  a  moment  when  its  service  was  most  sorely 
needed.  For  in  that  year,  1009,  a  most  formid- 
able enemy  appeared  in  the  Channel :  the  vikings  of 
Jom  had  left  their  stronghold  on  the  Oder  and  were 
soon  to  re-establish  themselves  on  the  Thames. ' 

For  about  two  decades  Sigvaldi  ruled  at  Jom- 
burg;  but  after  the  battle  of  Swald  he  disappears 
from  the  sagas:  aU  that  we  learn  is  that  he  was 
slain  on  some  expedition  to  England.  Perhaps  he 
was  one  of  the  victims  of  Saint  Brice's  (1002) ;  or 
he  may  have  perished  in  one  of  the  later  raids.  His 
death  must,  however,  be  dated  earlier  than  1009 ;  for 
in  that  year  his  brother  Thurkil  came  to  England, 
we  are  told,  to  take  revenge  for  a  slain  brother.  ^ 

^  Liebermann,  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  i.,  246-256. 

'Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1009. 

3  Encomium  EmmcB,  i.,  c.  2.  It  is  barely  possible  that  the 
brother  was  Gyrth,  whose  name  appears  on  a  runic  monument 
(Wimmer,  De  danske  Runemindesmcerker,  I.,  ii.,  138  ff.)-  But 
in  the  absence  of  information  to  the  contrary  we  shall  have  to 


1013]  The  Conquest  of  England  43 

Thiirkil's  fleet  appeared  at  Sandwich  in  July. 
Associated  with  the  tall  Dane  was  a  short,  thick- 
set Norwegian,  Olaf  the  Stout,  a  young  viking 
of  royal  blood  who  later  won  renown  as  the  mission- 
ary King  of  Norway  and  fell  in  war  against  Canute 
the  Great.  In  August  came  a  second  fleet,  under 
the  leadership  of  Eglaf  and  Heming,  Thurkil's 
brother.  The  fleets  joined  at  Thanet;  this  time 
nearly  all  the  southern  counties  had  to  suffer. 
The  host  wintered  on  the  lower  Thames  and  during 
the  winter  months  plundered  the  valley  up  as  far 
as  Oxford.  Ethelred  tried  to  cut  off  its  retreat 
but  failed.^ 

During  the  Lenten  weeks  the  vikings  refitted 
their  ships,  and  on  April  9,  loio,  they  set  sail  for 
East  Anglia.  Ulfketel  was  still  in  control  of  that 
region  and  had  made  preparations  to  meet  the 
invader.  On  May  5,  the  Danes  met  the  native 
levies  at  Ringmere  in  the  southern  part  of  Norfolk. 
The  fight  was  sharp,  with  final  victory  for  the  sea- 
kings.  The  English  sources  attribute  the  outcome 
to  the  treasonable  behaviour  of  Thurkil  Mareshead, 
who  was  evidently  a  Dane  in  Ulfketel's  service. 
The  Norse  scalds  ascribe  the  result  to  the  valour 
of  Olaf  the  Stout,  who  here  won  the  "sword- 
moot"  for  the  seventh  time." 

assume  that  Gyrth  was  buried  where  his  monument  was  placed 
and  was  therefore  not  the  brother  who  fell  in  England. 

'  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  160-161. 

'  Ibid.,  160-163.  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  14.  Storm 
in  his  translation  of  Snorre  (Christiania,  1900)  locates  Ringmere 
in  East  Wretham,  Norfolk,  (p.  239). 


44  Canute  the  Great  noo3- 

During  the  remaining  months  of  the  year  and 
all  through  the  following  summer,  the  vikings 
rode  almost  unresisted  through  Southern  England, 
plundering  everywhere.  Finally  the  King  and  the 
"wise  men"  began  to  negotiate  for  peace  on  the 
usual  basis.  But  so  often  had  Danegelds  been 
levied  that  it  was  becoming  difficult  to  collect 
the  money  and  the  payment  was  not  so  prompt 
as  the  vikings  desired.  In  their  anger  they  laid 
siege  to  Canterbury,  and,  after  a  close  investment 
of  twenty  days,  by  the  assistance  of  an  English 
priest  were  enabled  to  seize  the  city.  Many 
important  citizens  were  held  for  ransom,  among 
them  the  Archbishop  Alphege,  who  remained  a 
prisoner  for  nearly  six  months.  His  confinement 
cannot  have  been  severe ;  the  Prelate  was  interested 
in  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  Scandinavian  pirates, 
and  seems  to  have  begun  a  mission  among  his 
keepers.  But  he  forbade  the  payment  of  a  ransom, 
and  after  a  drunken  orgy  the  exasperated  Danes 
proceeded  to  pelt  him  to  death  with  the  bones  of 
their  feast.  Thrym,  a  Dane  whom  he  had  con- 
firmed the  day  before,  gave  him  the  mercy  stroke.  ^ 

During  the  closing  days  of  the  archbishop's  life, 
an  assembly  of  the  magnates  in  London  had 
succeeded  in  raising  the  tribute  agreed  upon, 
48,000  pounds.  Not  merely  were  the  invaders 
bought  off, — they  were  induced  to  enter  Ethelred's 
service   as   mercenaries;   there   must   have   been 

^Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  loii.  Florence  of  Worcester, 
Chronicon,  i.,  163-165. 


1013]  The  Conquest  of  England  45 

reasons  why  it  would  be  inadvisable  to  return  to 
Jomburg.  The  English  King  now  had  an  army 
of  some  four  thousand  or  perhaps  five  thousand 
men,  a  splendid  force  of  professional  warriors  led 
by  the  renowned  viking  Thurkil  the  Tall.  Accord- 
ing to  William  of  Malmesbury,  they  were  quartered 
in  East  Anglia,  *  which  seems  plausible,  as  Wessex 
must  have  been  thoroughly  pillaged  by  1012. 

When  the  year  10 13  opened,  there  were  reasons 
to  hope  that  the  miseries  of  England  were  past. 
For  a  whole  generation  the  sea-kings  had  infested 
the  Channel  and  the  Irish  Sea,  scourging  the 
shores  of  Southern  Britain  almost  every  year. 
Large  sums  of  money  had  been  paid  out  in  the 
form  of  Danegeld,  137,000  pounds  silver,  but  to 
little  purpose:  the  enemy  returned  each  year  as 
voracious  as  ever.  Now,  however,  the  pirate  had 
undertaken  to  defend  the  land.  The  presence  of 
Danish  mercenaries  was  doubtless  an  inconveni- 
ence, but  this  would  be  temporary  only.  It  was 
to  be  expected  that,  as  in  the  days  of  Alfred,  the 
enemy  would  settle  down  as  an  occupant  of  the 
soil,  and  in  time  become  a  subject  instead  of  a 
mercenary  soldier. 

But  just  at  this  moment,  an  invasion  of  a  far 
more  serious  nature  was  being  prepared  in  Den- 
mark. In  the  councils  of  Roeskild  Sweyn  Fork- 
beard  was  asking  his  henchmen  what  they  thought 
of  renewing  the  attack  on  England.  The  question 
suggested  the  answer:  to  the  King's  deHght  favour- 

'  Gesta  Regum,  i.,  207. 


46  Canute  the  Great  tioo3- 

able  replies  came  from  all.  It  is  said  that  Sweyn 
consulted  his  son  Canute  with  the  rest;  and  the 
eager  youth  strongly  urged  the  undertaking.^ 
This  is  the  earliest  act  on  Canute's  part  that  any 
historian  has  recorded.  In  1012,  he  was  perhaps 
seventeen  years  old ;  he  had  reached  the  age  when 
a  Scandinavian  prince  should  have  entered  upon  an 
active  career.  His  great  rival  of  years  to  come, 
Olaf  the  Stout,  who  can  have  been  only  two  years 
older  than  Canute,  had  already  sailed  the  dragon 
for  six  or  seven  years.  It  is  likely  that  the  young 
Dane  had  also  experienced  the  thrills  of  viking  life, 
but  on  this  matter  the  sagas  are  silent.  But  it  is 
easy  to  see  why  Canute  should  favour  the  pro- 
posed venture:  as  a  younger  son  he  could  not  hope 
for  the  Danish  crown.  The  conquest  of  England 
might  mean  not  only  fame  and  plundered  wealth, 
but  perhaps  a  realm  to  govern  as  well. 

The  considerations  that  moved  the  King  to 
renew  the  attempts  at  conquest  were  no  doubt 
various;  but  the  deciding  factor  was  evidently  the 
defection  of  Thurkil  and  the  Jomvikings.  An 
ecclesiastic  who  later  wrote  a  eulogy  on  Queen 
Emma  and  her  family  discusses  the  situation  in 
this  wise: 

Thurkil,  they  said,  the  chief  of  your  forces,  O  Eling, 
departed  with  yotu"  permission  that  he  might  take 
revenge  for  a  brother  who  had  been  slain  there,  and 
led  with  him  a  large  part  of  your  host.     Now  that  he 

'  Encomium  Emma,  i.,  c.  3. 


10131  The  Conquest  of  England  47 

rejoices  in  victory  and  in  the  possession  of  the  south- 
em  part  of  the  country,  he  prefers  to  remain  there  as 
an  exile  and  a  friend  of  the  English  whom  he  has 
conquered  by  your  hand,  to  returning  with  the  host 
in  submission  to  you  and  ascribing  the  victory  to 
yotu-self.  And  now  we  are  defrauded  of  our  com- 
panions and  of  forty  ships  which  he  sailed  to  England 
laden  with  the  best  warriors  of  Denmark." 

So  the  advice  was  to  seize  the  English  kingdom  as 
well  as  the  Danish  deserter.  No  great  difficulty 
was  anticipated,  as  Thurkil's  men  would  probably 
goon  desert  to  the  old  standards. 

The  customs  of  the  Northmen  demanded  that 
an  imdertaking  of  this  order  shoiild  first  be  ap- 
proved by  the  public  assembly,  and  the  Encomiast 
tells  us  that  Sweyn  at  once  proceeded  to  simmion 
the  freemen.  Couriers  were  sent  in  every  direc- 
tion, and  at  the  proper  time  the  men  appeared, 
each  with  his  weapons  as  the  law  required.  When 
the  heralds  announced  the  nature  of  the  proposed 
undertaking — not  a  mere  raid  with  plunder  in  view 
but  the  conquest  of  an  important  nation — the  host 
gave  immediate  approval. 

In  many  respects  the  time  was  exceedingly 
favourable  for  the  contemplated  venture.  A  large 
part  of  England  was  disposed  to  be  friendly;  the 
remainder  was  weak  from  continued  pillage. 
Denmark  was  strong  and  aggressive,  eager  to 
follow  the  leadership  of  her  warlike  king.     Sweyn's 

»  Encomium  Emma,  i.,  c,  2. 


48  Canute  the  Great  [1003- 

older  son,  Harold,  had  now  reached  manhood, 
and  could  with  comparative  safety  be  left  in 
control  of  the  kingdom.  Denmark's  neighbours 
in  the  North  were  friendly:  Sweyn's  vassal  and 
son-in-law  controlled  the  larger  part  of  Norway; 
his  stepson,  Olaf,  ruled  in  Sweden.  Nor  was 
anything  to  be  feared  from  the  old  enemies  to  the 
south.  The  restless  vikings  of  Jom  were  in  Eng- 
land. The  lord  of  Poland  was  engaged  in  a  life- 
and-death  struggle  with  the  Empire.  The  Saxon 
dynasty,  which  had  naturally  had  Northern  in- 
terests, no  longer  dominated  Germany;  a  Bavar- 
ian, Henry  II.,  now  sat  on  the  throne  of  the  Ottos. 
In  the  very  year  of  Sweyn's  invasion  of  England, 
the  German  King  joiuneyed  to  Italy  to  settle  one 
of  the  numberless  disputes  that  the  Roman  see  was 
involved  in  during  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries. 
He  remained  in  Italy  till  the  next  year  (1014), 
when  the  victorious  Pope  rewarded  him  with  the 
imperial  crown. 

Something  in  the  form  of  a  regency  was  provided 
for  the  Danish  realm  during  Sweyn's  absence. 
Harold  seems  to  have  received  royal  authority 
without  the  royal  title.  Associated  with  him  were 
a  few  trusted  magnates  who  were  to  give  "sage 
advice,"  but  also,  it  seems,  to  watch  over  the 
interests  of  the  absent  monarch.^  A  part  of  the 
host  was  left  in  Denmark ;  but  the  greater  part  of 
the  available  forces  evidently  accompanied  the 
King  to  England. 

'  Encomium  Emma,  i.,  c.  3. 


1013]  The  Conquest  of  England  49 

About  midsummer  (1013),  the  fleet  was  ready 
to  sail.  The  Encomiast,  who  had  evidently  seen 
Danish  ships,  gives  a  glowing  description  of  the 
armament,  which  apart  from  rhetorical  exaggera- 
tion probably  gives  a  fairly  accurate  picture  of  an 
eleventh-century  viking  fleet  of  the  more  preten- 
tious type.  He  notes  particularly  the  ornamenta- 
tion along  the  sides  of  the  ships,  bright  and  varied 
in  colours ;  the  vanes  at  the  tops  of  the  masts  in  the 
forms  of  birds  or  of  dragons  with  fiery  nostrils;  and 
the  figureheads  at  the  prows:  carved  figures  of 
men,  red  with  gold  or  white  with  silver,  or  of  bulls 
with  necks  erect,  or  of  dolphins,  centaurs,  or  other 
beasts.  The  royal  ship  was,  of  coiirse,  splendid 
above  all  the  rest.  * 

The  customary  route  of  the  Danish  vikings 
followed  the  Frisian  coast  to  the  south-eastern 
part  of  England,  the  shires  of  Kent  and  Sussex. 
Ordinarily,  the  fleets  would  continue  the  journey 
down  the  Channel,  plundering  the  shore  lands  and 
sending  out  larger  parties  to  harry  the  interior. 
Sweyn  had  developed  a  different  plan:  Wessex  was 
to  be  attacked  from  the  old  Danelaw.  Following 
the  ancient  route,  his  ships  appeared  at  Sandwich 
on  the  Kentish  coast  early  in  August.  Sandwich 
was  at  this  time  a  place  of  considerable  importance, 
being  the  chief  port  in  Southern  England."  Here 
Sweyn  and  Canute  remained  for  a  few  days,  but 
soon  the  fleet  turned  swiftly  northwards  up  the 
eastern   coast   to  the   Humber.     Sweyn  entered 

'  Encomium  Emma,  i.,  c.  4.  »  Tbid.,  i.,  c.  5. 


50  Canute  the  Great  11003- 

and  sailed  up  this  river  till  he  came  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Trent,  which  stream  he  ascended  as  far  as 
Gainsborough.  Here  his  men  disembarked  and 
preparations  were  made  for  the  war. 

Sweyn  had  evidently  counted  on  a  friendly 
reception  in  the  Scandinavian  settlements  of  the 
Danelaw,  and  he  was  not  disappointed.  Recruits 
appeared  and  his  forces  increased  materially. 
Uhtred,  the  earl  of  Northumbria,  who  was  pro- 
bably of  Norse  ancestry,  soon  found  it  to  his  ad- 
vantage to  do  homage  to  the  invader.  Sweyn's 
lordship  was  also  accepted  by  "the  folk  of  Lindsey, 
and  afterwards  by  the  folk  in  the  Five  Boroughs, 
and  very  soon  by  all  the  host  north  of  Watling 
Street,  and  hostages  were  given  by  every  shire.  "^ 
In  addition  to  hostages,  Sweyn  demanded  horses 
and  provisions  for  the  host. 

The  summer  was  probably  past  before  Sweyn 
was  ready  to  proceed  against  Ethelred.  But 
finally,  some  time  in  September  or  a  little  later, 
having  concluded  all  the  necessary  preliminaries, 
he  gave  the  ships  and  the  hostages  into  the  keeping 
of  his  son  Canute,  and  led  his  mounted  army  south- 
ward across  the  Midlands  with  Winchester,  the 
residence  city  of  the  English  kings,  as  the  objec- 
tive point.  So  long  as  he  was  still  within  the 
Danelaw,  Sweyn  permitted  no  pillaging;  but 
"as  soon  as  he  had  crossed  Watling  Street,  he 
worked  as  great  evil  as  a  hostile  force  was  able." 
The  Thames  was  crossed  at  Oxford,  which  city 

*  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1013. 


THE  TULSTORP  STONE 
(Runic  monument  showing  viking  ship  ornamented  with  beasts'  heads.) 


10131  The  Conquest  of  England  51 

promptly  submitted  and  gave  hostages.  Win- 
chester, too,  seems  to  have  yielded  without  a 
struggle.  From  the  capital  Sweyn  proceeded 
eastward  to  London,  where  he  met  the  first  effec- 
tive resistance. 

In  London  was  King  Ethelred  supported  by 
Thurkil  the  Tall  and  his  viking  bands.  It  seems 
that  Olaf  the  Stout  had  entered  the  English  service 
with  Thurkil  the  year  before,  and  did  vaUant 
service  in  defence  of  the  city;  the  story  given  by 
Snorre  of  the  destruction  of  London  Bridge 
apparently  belongs  to  the  siege  of  1013  rather 
than  to  that  of  1009.  Sweyn  approached  the 
city  from  the  south,  seized  Southwark,  and  tried 
to  enter  London  by  way  of  the  bridge,  which  the 
Danes  had  taken  and  fortified.  It  is  said  that 
Olaf  the  Stout  imdertook  to  destroy  the  bridge. 
He  covered  his  ships  with  wattle-work  of  various 
sorts,  willow  roots,  supple  trees,  and  other  things 
that  might  be  twisted  or  woven;  and  thus  pro- 
tected from  missiles  that  might  be  hurled  down 
from  above,  the  ships  passed  up  the  stream  to  the 
bridge,  the  supports  of  which  Olaf  and  his  men 
proceeded  to  pull  down.  The  whole  structure 
crashed  into  the  river  and  with  it  went  a  large 
number  of  Sweyn's  men,^  who  drowned,  says  the 
Chronicler,  "because  they  neglected  the  bridge." 

»  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  cc.  12-13.  The  story  in  the  saga 
has  the  appearance  of  genuineness  and  is  based  on  the  contempor- 
ary verses  of  Ottar  the  Swart.  Snorre's  chronology,  however, 
is  much  confused. 


52  Canute  the  Great  [1003- 

Swejm  soon  realised  that  a  continued  siege 
would  be  useless:  the  season  was  advancing;  the 
resistance  of  the  citizens  was  too  stubborn  and 
strong.  For  the  fourth  time  the  heroic  men  of 
London  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  a  Danish 
force  break  camp  and  depart  with  a  defeated 
purpose:  the  first  time  in  991;  then  again  in  994 
when  Sweyn  and  Olaf  Trygvesson  laid  siege  to 
it;  the  third  time  in  1009,  when  Thurkil  the  Tall 
and  Olaf  the  Stout  were  the  besiegers;  now  once 
more  in  1013.  The  feeling  that  the  city  was 
impregnable  was  doubtless  a  factor  in  the  stubborn 
determination  with  which  the  townsmen  repelled 
the  repeated  attacks  of  the  Danish  invaders, 
though  at  this  time  the  skill  and  valoiir  of  the 
viking  mercenaries  were  an  important  part  of  the 
resistance. 

Leaving  London  unconquered,  Sweyn  marched 
up  the  Thames  Valley  to  Wallingford,  where  he 
crossed  to  the  south  bank,  and  continued  his 
progress  westward  to  Bath.  Nowhere,  it  seems, 
did  he  meet  any  mentionable  opposition.  To 
Bath  came  the  magnates  of  the  south-western  shires 
led  by  Ethelmer  who  was  apparently  ealdorman  of 
Devon;  they  took  the  oaths  that  the  conqueror 
prescribed  and  gave  the  required  hostages.  From 
Bath,  Sweyn  returned  to  his  camp  at  Gainsborough ; 
it  was  time  to  prepare  for  winter.  Tribute  and 
provisions  were  demanded  and  doubtless  collected, 
and  the  host  went  into  winter  quarters  on  the 
banks  of  the  Trent.     "And  all  the  nation  had  him 


10131  The  Conquest  of  England  53 

[Sweyn]  for  full  king;  and  later  the  borough-men 
of  London  submitted  to  him  and  gave  hostages; 
for  they  feared  that  he  would  destroy  them."* 
The  submission  of  London  probably  did  not 
come  before  Ethelred's  cowardly  behaviour  had 
ruined  the  hopes  of  the  patriots:  he  had  fled  the 
land.  Earlier  in  the  year  (in  August,  according 
to  one  authority)*  Queen  Emma,  accompanied 
by  the  abbot  of  Peterborough,  had  crossed  the 
Channel,  and  sought  the  court  of  her  brother,  the 
Norman  duke.  Whether  she  went  to  seek  mili- 
tary aid  or  merely  a  refuge  cannot  be  determined ; 
but  the  early  departure  and  the  fact  that  she  was 
not  accompanied  by  her  children  would  indicate 
that  her  purpose  was  to  enlist  her  brother's  inter- 
est in  Ethelred's  cause.  Assistance,  however,  was 
not  forthcoming ;  but  Emma  remained  in  Richard's 
duchy  and  a  little  later  was  joined  by  her  two  sons, 
Edward  and  Alfred,  who  came  accompanied  by 
two  English  ecclesiastics.  Ethelred,  meanwhile, 
continued  some  weeks  longer  with  Thurkil's  fleet ; 
but  toward  the  close  of  December  we  find  him  on 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  where  he  celebrated  Christmas, 
In  January,  he  joined  his  family  in  Normandy. 
Duke  Richard  gave  him  an  honourable  reception; 
but  as  he  was  having  serious  trouble  with  another 
brother-in-law,  Coimt  Odo  of  Chartres,  he  was 
probably  unable  to  give  much  material  assistance 
to  the  fugitive  from  England. 

^Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1013. 

'  William  of  Malmesbury,  Gesta  Regum,  i,,  209. 


54  Canute  the  Great  [1003- 

Ethelred's  flight  must  have  left  Thurkil  and  the 
Jomvikings  in  a  somewhat  embarrassing  position. 
They  had  undertaken  to  serve  the  King  and  defend 
his  country;  but  now  Ethelred  had  deserted  the 
kingdom,  and  his  subjects  had  accepted  the  rule 
of  the  invader.  In  January,  however,  the  sea  is 
an  impleasant  highway,  so  there  was  nothing  for 
the  tall  chief  to  do  but  to  remain  faithful  and 
insist  on  the  terms  of  the  contract.  While  Sweyn 
was  calling  for  silver  and  supplies  to  be  brought  to 
Gainsborough,  Thurkil  seems  to  have  been  issuing 
similar  demands  from  Greenwich.  No  doubt  his 
men  were  also  able  to  eke  out  their  winter  supplies 
by  occasional  plundering:  "they  harried  the  land 
as  often  as  they  wished.  "* 

Then  suddenly  an  event  occurred  that  created 
an  entirely  new  situation.  On  February  3,  1014, 
scarcely  a  month  after  Ethelred's  departure  from 
Wight,  the  Danish  conqueror  died.  As  to  his 
manner  of  death,  the  Chronicle  has  nothing  to 
say;  but  later  historians  appear  to  be  better 
informed.  The  Encomiast,  who  was  indeed 
Sweyn's  contemporary,  gives  an  account  of  a  very 
edifying  death :  when  Sweyn  felt  that  the  end  of  all 
things  was  approaching,  he  called  Canute  to  his 
side  and  impressed  upon  him  the  necessity  of 
following  and  supporting  the  Christian  faith.  ^ 
The  Anglo-Norman  historians  have  an  even  more 
wonderful  story  to  relate :  in  the  midst  of  a  throng 

'^Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1013. 

*  Encomium  Emma,  i.,  c.  5;  see  also  Saxo,  Gesta,  342. 


10131  The  Conquest  of  England  55 

of  his  henchmen  and  courtiers,  the  mighty  viking 
fell,  pierced  by  the  dart  of  Saint  Edmund. 
Sweyn  alone  saw  the  saint ;  he  screamed  for  help ; 
at  the  close  of  the  day  he  expired.  It  seems  that  a 
dispute  was  on  at  the  time  over  a  contribution 
that  King  Sweyn  had  levied  on  the  monks  who 
guarded  Saint  Edmund's  shrine.  ^  The  suddenness 
of  the  King's  death  was  therefore  easily  explained: 
the  offended  saint  slew  him. 

If  it  is  difficult  to  credit  the  legend  that  traces 
the  King's  death  to  an  act  of  impiety,  it  is  also 
hard  to  believe  that  he  died  in  the  odour  of  sanctity. 
Sweyn  was  a  Christian,  but  his  religion  was  of  the 
passive  type.  He  is  said  to  have  built  a  few 
churches,  and  he  also  appears  to  have  promoted 
missionary  efforts  to  some  extent*;  but  the  Church 
evidently  regarded  him  as  rather  lukewarm  in 
his  religious  professions.  The  see  of  Hamburg- 
Bremen,  which  was  charged  with  the  conversion 
of  the  Northern  peoples,  did  not  find  him  an  active 
friend;  though  in  this  case  his  hostility  may  have 
been  due  to  his  dislike  for  all  things  that  were 
called  German. 

Sweyn's  virtues  were  of  the  viking  type :  he  was 
a  lover  of  action,  of  conquest,  and  of  the  sea.  At 
times  he  was  fierce,  cruel,  and  vindictive ;  but  these 
passions  were  tempered  by  cunning,  shrewdness, 
and  a  love  for  diplomatic  methods  that  were  not 
common  among  the  sea-kings.     He  seems  to  have 

'  Memorials  of  Saint  Edmund's  Abbey,  i.,  34  flf. 
'Adamus,  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  39. 


56  Canute  the  Great  11003- 

formed  alliances  readily,  and  appears  even  to  have 
attracted  his  opponents.  His  career,  too,  was 
that  of  a  viking.  Twice  he  was  taken  by  the 
Jomvikings,  but  his  faithful  subjects  promptly 
ransomed  him.  Once  the  King  of  Sweden,  Eric 
the  Victorious,  conquered  his  kingdom  and  sent 
him  into  temporary  exile.  Twice  as  a  king  he 
led  incursions  into  England  in  which  he  gained 
only  the  sea-king's  reward  of  plimder  and  tribute. 
But  in  time  fortune  veered  about ;  his  third  expedi- 
tion to  Britain  was  eminently  successful,  and  when 
Sweyn  died,  he  was  king  not  only  of  Denmark  but 
also  of  England,  and  overlord  of  the  larger  part 
of  Norway  besides. 

As  to  his  personality,  we  have  only  the  slight 
information  implied  in  his  nickname.  Forkbeard 
means  the  divided  beard.  But  the  evident 
popularity  that  he  enjoyed  both  in  the  host 
and  in  the  nation  would  indicate  that  he  pos- 
sessed an  attractive  personality.  That  Sweyn 
appreciated  the  loyalty  of  his  men  is  evident 
from  the  runic  monument  that  he  raised  to  his 
housecarle  Skartha  who  had  shared  in  the  English 
warfare.  ^ 

By  his  first  wife,  the  Polish  princess  who  was 
renamed  Gunhild,  Sweyn  had  several  children, 
of  whom  history  makes  prominent  mention  of 
three:  Harold,  Canute,  and  Gytha,  who  was 
married  to  Earl  Eric  of  Norway.  In  the  Hyde 
Register  there  is  mention   of   another  daughter, 

*  Wimmer,  De  danske  Runemindesmcerker,  I.,  ii.,  117. 


1013]  The  Conquest  of  England  57 

Santslaue,  "sister  of  King  Canute,"*  who  may 
have  been  bom  of  the  same  marriage,  as  her  name 
is  evidently  Slavic.  His  second  wife,  Sigrid  the 
Haughty,  seems  to  have  had  daughters  only.  Of 
these  only  one  appears  prominently  in  the  annals 
of  the  time — Estrid,  the  wife  of  Ulf  the  Eari,  the 
mother  of  a  long  line  of  Danish  kings. 

At  the  time  of  his  death  Sweyn  is  thought  to 
have  been  about  fifty-four  years  old  and  had 
ruled  Denmark  nearly  thirty  years.  His  body 
was  taken  to  York  for  interment,  but  it  did  not 
remain  there  long.  The  English  did  not  cherish 
Sweyn's  memory,  and  seemed  determined  to 
find  and  dishonour  his  remains.  Certain  women — 
English  women,  it  appears — rescued  the  corpse 
and  brought  it  to  Roeskild  some  time  during  the 
following  summer  (1014)',  where  it  was  interred 
in  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  which  also 
sheltered  the  bones  of  Sweyn's  father  whom  he 
had  wronged  so  bitterly  thirty  years  before. 

»  Liber  Vitce,  58.  Steenstrup  suggests  that  the  name  may  be 
Slavic  and  calls  attention  to  the  Slavic  form  Svantoslava  {Ven- 
derne  og  de  Danske,  64-65). 

'  Encomium  Emma,  ii.,  c.  3.  The  rescue  and  removal  of 
Sweyn's  remains  by  English  women  is  asserted  by  the  contem- 
porary German  chronicler  Thietmar   {Chronicon,  vii.,  c.  26). 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  ENGLISH  REACTION  AND  THE  NORSE  REVOLT 
IOI4-IOI6 

THE  death  of  Sweyn  was  the  signal  for  import- 
ant movements  throughout  the  entire  North. 
Forces  that  had  been  held  in  rein  by  his  mighty 
personality  were  once  more  free  to  act.  In 
Denmark,  his  older  son  Harold  succeeded  at  once 
to  the  full  kingship.  Three  years  later  a  national 
ruler  re-established  the  Norwegian  throne.  But 
in  England  the  results  were  most  immediate  and 
most  evident:  the  national  spirit  rose  with  a 
bound  and  for  three  years  more  the  struggle  with 
the  invader  continued. 

The  host  at  Gainsborough  promptly  recognised 
the  leadership  of  Canute  and  proclaimed  him  king. 
This,  however,  gave  him  no  valid  claim  to  the 
Saxon  crown;  England  was,  in  theory  at  least,  an 
elective  monarchy,  and  not  till  the  assembly  of  the 
magnates  had  accepted  him  could  he  rightfully 
claim  the  royal  title.  The  Danish  pretender  was 
young  and  untried — he  was  probably  not  yet 
twenty  years  old.     He  must,  however,  have  had 

58 


rioi4-i6]  English  Reaction  and  Norse  Revolt  59 

some  training  in  matters  of  government  as  well  as 
in  warfare:  that  his  great  father  trusted  him  is 
evident  from  the  fact  that  he  left  him  in  charge 
of  the  camp  and  fleet  at  Gainsborough,  when 
Sweyn  set  out  on  his  march  into  Wessex.  Doubt- 
less the  Danes  surmised  that  the  youthful  chief 
possessed  abilities  of  a  rare  sort;  but  the  English 
evidently  regarded  him  as  a  mere  boy  whose  pre- 
tensions did  not  deserve  serious  attention. 

During  the  winter  months  of  1 014,  the  most 
prominent  leader  among  the  English  was  evidently 
Thurkil,  the  master  of  the  mercenary  forces.  It 
seems  safe  to  infer  that  he  had  much  to  do  with 
the  events  of  those  months,  though  we  have 
nothing  recorded.  In  some  way  the  English 
lords  were  called  into  session;  at  this  meeting 
preparations  were  made  to  recall  the  fugitive 
Ethelred.  No  lord  could  be  dearer  to  them  than 
their  native  ruler,  the  magnates  are  reported  to 
have  said;  but  they  added  significantly,  "if  he 
would  deal  more  justly  with  them  than  formerly. "  * 
The  lords  who  attended  this  gemot  were  probably 
the  local  leaders  south  of  the  Thames;  that  the 
chiefs  of  the  Danelaw  were  in  attendance  is  very 
unlikely. 

Ethelred,  however,  was  not  willing  to  leave 
Normandy  immediately.  He  first  sent  an  em- 
bassy to  England  under  the  nominal  leadership  of 
his  son  Edward;  these  men  were  to  negotiate 
further,  and  probably  study  the  sentiment  of  the 

*  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1014. 


6o  Canute  the  Great  11014- 

nation.  Edward  was  a  mere  boy,  ten  or  eleven 
years  old  at  the  highest;  but  his  presence  was 
important  as  evidence  of  the  King's  intentions. 
The  Prince  brought  friendly  greetings  and  fair 
promises:  Ethelred  would  be  a  kind  and  devoted 
king;  all  the  requests  of  the  magnates  should  be 
granted;  the  past  should  be  forgiven  and  forgot- 
ten. The  English  on  their  part  pledged  absolute 
loyalty;  and,  to  emphasise  the  covenant,  the  as- 
sembly outlawed  all  Danish  claimants.  Sweyn 
had  died  in  the  early  part  of  February ;  the  nego- 
tiations were  probably  carried  on  in  March; 
Ethelred  returned  to  England  some  time  during 
Lent,  most  likely  in  April,  as  the  Lenten  season 
closed  on  the  25th  of  that  month. 

The  moment  to  strike  had  surely  come.  Canute 
was  in  England  with  a  good  army,  but  his  forces 
doubtless  had  decreased  in  numbers  since  the 
landing  in  the  previous  August,  and  ftuther 
shrinkage  was  inevitable.  On  the  other  hand, 
recruiting  would  be  found  difficult.  The  inevitable 
break-up  of  Sweyn 's  empire  in  the  North  would 
mean  that  the  invader  would  be  deprived  of  re- 
sources that  were  necessary  to  the  success  of  the 
venture.  Nor  could  assistance  be  expected  from 
the  Scandinavian  colonies  on  the  western  shores  of 
Britain  or  about  the  Irish  Sea.  In  the  very  days 
when  the  reaction  was  being  planned  in  England, 
Celts  and  Norsemen  were  mustering  their  forces 
for  a  great  trial  of  strength  on  Irish  soil.  On 
Good  Friday  (April  23),  the  battle  of  Clontarf 


1016]   English  Reaction  and  Norse  Revolt      6i 

was  fought  on  the  shores  of  Dublin  Bay. '  The 
Norsemen  suffered  an  overwhelming  defeat,  the 
significance  of  which,  for  English  history,  lies  in 
the  fact  that  the  viking  forces  of  the  West  had  now 
been  put  on  the  defensive.  Raids  like  those  of 
the  early  years  of  Ethelred's  reign  were  now  a 
thing  of  the  past. 

Meanwhile,  Canute  had  not  been  idle.  For 
aggressive  movements  the  winter  season  was,  of 
course,  not  favourable;  but  preparations  seem  to 
have  been  made  looking  toward  offensive  opera- 
tions immediately  after  Easter.  The  men  of 
Lindsey,  Danish  colonists  no  doubt,  had  promised 
horses  and  were  apparently  to  share  in  a  joint 
expedition.  But  before  Canute's  arrangements 
had  all  been  made,  Ethelred  appeared  in  the  north 
country  with  a  formidable  host,  and  Canute  was 
compelled  to  retire  to  his  ships.  The  men  of 
Lincoln  were  made  to  suffer  for  their  readiness  to 
join  in  Canute's  plans :  Ethelred  marched  his  men 
into  the  Lindsey  region,  and  pillage  began. 

It  was  hardly  an  English  army  that  Ethelred 
brought  up  to  the  Trent  in  May,  1014.  English- 
men no  doubt  served  in  it;  but  its  chief  strength 
was  probably  the  mercenary  contingent  under 
Thurkil's  command,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  had 
wintered  at  Greenwich.  It  was  fortunate  for 
Ethelred  that  an  organised  force  was  at  hand 

'  For  a  brief  account  of  the  Norse  colonies  in  Ireland  and  the 
events  that  culminated  in  the  battle  of  Clontarf,  see  Norges 
Historic,  I.,  ii.,  292-310.     (Bugge.) 


62  Canute  the  Great  11014- 

on  his  return  and  ready  for  warfare.  Its  service, 
however,  was  expensive:  that  year  another  Dane- 
geld  of  21,000  pounds  was  levied  to  pay  Thurkil 
and  his  vikings  for  their  assistance  in  driving 
Canute  out  of  the  land, ' 

But  Thurkil  was  not  the  only  great  chief  of  the 
viking  type  that  assisted  in  expelling  the  Danes: 
Olaf  the  Stout  once  more  appears  in  Ethelred's 
service.  It  will  be  recalled  that,  in  the  siege  of 
London  the  autumn  before,  he  assisted  vigorously 
in  its  defence.  He  seems  to  have  left  the  English 
service  shortly  afterwards  to  assist  in  warfare  on 
French  soil.  Duke  Richard  of  Normandy  was 
engaged  in  a  controversy  with  his  brother-in-law, 
Count  Odo  of  Chartres,  on  the  matter  of  his 
sister's  dowry.  In  the  warfare  that  ensued,  Olaf, 
serving  on  the  Norman  side,  ravaged  the  northern 
coast  of  Brittany  and  took  the  castle  of  Dol.  This 
must  have  occurred  late  in  the  year  1 01 3  or  during 
the  winter  of  1013-1014.  When,  on  the  mediation 
of  King  Robert,  peace  was  made  between  the 
warring  brethren,  Olaf  returned  to  Rouen,  where 
he  was  received  with  signal  honours.  It  was 
probably  on  this  occasion  that  the  mighty  Sea- 
king,  on  the  urgent  request  of  Archbishop  Robert, 
accepted  the  Christian  faith  and  received  baptism. 
It  is  stated  that  many  of  his  men  were  baptised 
at  the  same  time.  ^ 

In    Rouen,    Olaf   evidently    met    the   fugitive 

^Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1014. 

■William  of  Jumieges,  Historia  Normannorum,  v.,  cc.  11-12. 


1016]  English  Reaction  and  Norse  Revolt      63 

Ethelred ;  for  when  the  King  returned  to  England, 
Olaf  accompanied  him.  Instead  of  coming  as  a 
returning  exile,  Ethelred  appeared  in  his  kingdom 
with  ships  and  men.  The  Norse  poets,  who  later 
sang  in  King  Olaf's  hall,  magnified  his  viking 
exploits  far  beyond  their  real  importance.  In 
their  view,  Olaf  was  Ethelred's  chief  support. 
Snorre  quotes  the  following  lines  from  Ottar  the 
Swart: 

Thou  broughtst  to  land  and  landedst, 
King  Ethelred,  O  Landward, 
Strengthened  by  might !     That  folk-friend 
Such  wise  of  thee  availed. 

Hard  was  the  meeting  soothly. 
When  Edmund's  son  thou  broughtest 
Back  to  his  land  made  peaceful. 
Which  erst  that  kin-stem  rul^d. ' 

The  emergency  was  too  great  for  Canute.  With 
the  generalship  of  experienced  warriors  like 
Thurkn  and  Olaf,  supported  by  the  resources  of  a 
roused  people,  he  could  not  be  expected  to  cope. 
Presently,  he  determined  to  flee  the  country.  His 
men  embarked,  and  the  hostages  given  to  his 
father  (some  of  them  at  least)  were  also  brought 
on  board.  The  fleet  sailed  down  the  east  coast  to 
Sandwich,  where  an  act  of  barbarity  was  commit- 
ted for  which  there  can  be  little  justification.  The 
hostages  were  mutilated — their  hands,  ears,  and 

'  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  13.     (Translation  by  William  Morris.) 


64  Canute  the  Great  [1014- 

noses  were  cut  off — and  landed.  The  men  were 
personal  pledges  given  to  Swe3m,  but  not  to  his  son. 
Canute,  however,  probably  looked  at  the  matter 
in  a  different  light ;  to  him  they  may  have  seemed 
a  pledge  given  to  the  dynasty;  terror  must  be 
stricken  into  the  hearts  of  the  oath-breakers. 
After  disposing  of  the  hostages,  the  yoimg  King 
continued  his  journey  to  Denmark. 

What  Canute's  plans  were  when  he  arrived  in  his 
native  land  we  do  not  know.  According  to  the 
Encomiast,  he  assured  his  surprised  brother  that 
he  had  retiimed,  not  because  of  fear,  but  for  love 
of  his  brother,  whose  advice  and  assistance  he 
bespoke.  But  he  requested  more  than  this: 
Harold,  he  thought,  ought  to  share  Denmark  with 
him;  the  two  kings  should  then  proceed  with  the 
conquest  of  England ;  when  that  was  accomplished, 
there  might  be  a  new  division  of  territory  on  the 
basis  of  a  kingdom  for  each.  He  proposed  to  spend 
the  succeeding  winter  in  preparation  for  the  joint 
attack.  ^ 

The  proposal  to  share  the  rule  of  Denmark 
evidently  did  not  appeal  to  King  Harold;  he  is 
represented  as  stoutly  rejecting  it.  Denmark 
was  his,  given  to  him  by  his  father  before  he  left 
for  England.  He  would  assist  Canute  to  win  a 
kingdom  in  Britain,  but  not  a  foot  should  he  have 
of  Denmark.  Realising  the  futility  of  insisting, 
Canute  promised  to  maintain  silence  as  to  his 
supposed  hereditary  rights  to  Danish  soil.     He  put 

'  Encomium  Emmce,  ii.,  c.  2. 


1016J  English  Reaction  and  Norse  Revolt      65 

his  trust  in  God,  the  good  monk  adds;  and  the 
Encomiast  was  perhaps  not  the  only  one  who 
regarded  Harold's  early  death  as  a  providential 
event. 

The  problem  of  Norway  was  one  that  the 
brothers  must  have  discussed,  though  we  do  not 
know  what  disposition  they  made  of  the  Danish 
rights  there.  In  addition  to  the  overlordship  over 
at  least  a  part  of  Eric's  earldom,  Sweyn  had  had 
direct  royal  authority  over  the  southern  shores, 
though  it  is  not  believed  that  he  exercised  this 
authority  very  rigidly.  There  is  a  single  cir- 
cimistance  that  suggests  that  Norway  was  assigned 
to  Canute :  when  the  young  prince  called  on  his 
brother-in-law.  Earl  Eric,  to  assist  him  in  England, 
the  Norse  ruler  seems  to  have  obeyed  the  summons 
without  question.  * 

During  the  course  of  the  year,  the  two  brothers 
united  in  certain  acts  of  a  filial  nature,  one  of 
which  is  worthy  of  particular  notice.  Together 
they  proceeded  to  the  Slavic  coast,  Poland  most 
likely,  where  their  mother.  Queen  Gimhild,  was 
still  in  exile.  After  twenty  years,  she  was  re- 
stored to  her  honours  at  the  Danish  court.  Sigrid 
the  Haughty  had  evidently  taken  leave  of  earthly 
things ;  for  peace  and  good-will  continued  between 
the  Swedish  and  Danish  courts,  an  impossible 

-  The  conjecture  of  Norse  historians  that  he  left  Norway 
because  of  disagreements  with  his  brother  Sweyn  has  little  in  its 
favour.  Eric  beUeved  in  peace,  but  scarcely  to  the  point  of 
expatriation. 


66  Canute  the  Great  [1014- 

condition  with  Sigrid  in  retirement  and  her  old 
rival  in  the  high-seat.  That  same  year  the 
brothers  gave  Christian  burial  to  the  remains  of 
their  father  Sweyn.* 

We  are  told  that  Canute  continued  his  prepara- 
tions for  a  descent  upon  England;  still,  it  may  be 
doubted  whether  he  actually  had  serious  hope  of 
conquering  the  country  at  that  time.  Then  sud- 
denly there  occurred  in  England  a  series  of  events 
that  placed  the  fate  of  Ethelred  in  Canute's  hands. 

The  saga  that  relates  the  exploits  of  the  Jom- 
vikings  tells  somewhat  explicitly  of  an  English 
attack  on  two  corps  of  "thingmen, "  as  the  Dan- 
ish mercenaries  were  called  in  Northern  speech, 
the  corps  in  London  and  Slesswick.=*  The  latter 
locality  has  not  been  identified,  but  it  seems  hardly 
necessary  to  seek  it  far  north  of  the  Thames — 
the  saga  locates  it  north  of  London.  It  is  asserted 
that  the  massacre  was  planned  by  Ulfketel,  and 
that  in  Slesswick  it  was  thoroughly  carried  out: 
from  this  we  may  infer  that  the  place  was  in  East 
Anglia,  or  Ulfkellsland,  as  the  scalds  called  it. 
The  garrisons,  we  are  told,  were  located  by  Sweyn ; 
this  is  doubtless  an  error, — the  corps  were  prob- 
ably divisions  of  the  viking  forces  in  Ethelred's 
service.  No  doubt  there  were  other  similar  corps, 
for  Thurkil  was  apparently  connected  with  neither 
of  the  two. 

'  Encomium  Emma,  i\.,  cc.  2-3.     The  banishment  of  Gunhild 
is  also  mentioned  in  Thietmar's  Chronicle  (vii.,  c.  28). 
'  Jdmsvikingasaga,  cc.  50-52. 


1016]   English  Reaction  and  Norse  Revolt     67 

Canute  was  out  of  the  country  and  no  hostile 
force  was  in  sight.  There  could  then  be  small  need 
of  retaining  the  thingmen  who  were  furthermore  a 
source  of  expense,  perhaps  of  danger.  As  in  1002, 
it  was  determined  to  fall  upon  them  and  slay  them. 
If  it  is  true  that  Thurkil's  men  were  originally 
quartered  in  East  Anglia,^  we  can  readily  under- 
stand why  Ulfketel  might  take  the  lead  in  such  an 
undertaking.  In  London,  where  resistance  had 
been  so  persistent  and  successful,  the  mercenaries 
must  have  been  regarded  with  strong  aversion. 
It  was  planned  to  strike  during  the  Yule  festivities 
when  the  vikings  would  probably  not  be  in  the 
best  possible  state  of  vigour  and  sobriety.  In 
London  armed  men  were  smuggled  into  the 
stronghold  in  waggons  that  were  ostensibly  laden 
with  merchandise  for  the  midwinter  market.  But 
the  corps  was  warned  in  time  by  a  woman  who 
wished  to  save  her  lover  Thord.  Eilif,  who  was 
in  command  here,  escaped  to  Denmark.  In 
Slesswick,  the  plan  succeeded,  none  escaping; 
among  the  fallen  was  the  chief,  Heming,  the 
brother  of  Thurkil  the  Tall.  The  attack  is  thought 
to  have  been  made  some  time  during  the  early 
part  of  January,  10 15.' 

It  is  evident  that  something  of  a  serious  nature 
occurred  in  England  in  those  days,  and  while 
some  of  the  details  in  the  saga  tale  are  probably 
fictitious,   in  substance  the  account  is  perhaps 

'  William  of  Malmesbury,  Gesta  Regum,  i.,  207. 
•  Danmarks  Riges  Historic,  i.,  383. 


68  Canute  the  Great  [1014- 

correct.  Heming  disappears  from  the  English 
sources,  while  Eilif  is  prominent  in  English  politics 
for  another  decade.  Most  significant  of  all,  a 
few  weeks  later  Thnrkil  appears  in  Denmark  to 
urge  upon  Canute  the  desirability  of  an  immediate 
attack  on  England.  He  now  had  another  brother 
to  avenge.  Thurkil's  desertion  of  the  English 
cause  must  have  done  much  to  stimulate  Danish 
ambition.  Help  was  secured  from  Olaf  of  Sweden. 
Eric,  the  Norse  earl,  was  also  summoned  to  the 
host.  Great  preparations  must  have  gone  forward 
in  Denmark,  for  all  writers  agree  that  Canute's 
fleet,  when  it  finally  sailed,  was  immense  in  the 
number  of  ships.  Thurkil's  position  in  Denmark 
appears  to  have  been  a  trifle  uncertain  at  first. 
Canute  could  hardly  be  expected  to  give  cordial 
greeting  to  a  man  who  had  recently  sent  him  out 
of  England  in  full  flight ;  but  after  some  discussion 
the  two  were  reconciled,  and  Thurkil  joined  the 
expedition.  "^ 

In  all  the  North  there  was  none  more  famous  for 
successful  leadership  in  warfare  than  Earl  Eric 
of  Norway.  He  had  fought  in  the  battles  of 
Hjorunga  Bay  and  Swald ;  in  both  these  encounters 
the  highest  honours  were  his.  It  is,  therefore, 
not  strange  that  Canute  was  anxious  to  have  his 
assistance.  Eric  was  no  longer  young  and  had  no 
direct  interest  in  the  proposed  venture;  still,  when 
the  mandate  came,  he  showed  no  reluctance,  so 
far  as  we  know.     He  called  together  the  magnates 

'  Encomium  Emmce,  ii.,  c.  3. 


1016]  English  Reaction  and  Norse  Revolt      69 

of  the  realm  and  arranged  for  a  division  of  his 
earldom  between  his  brother  Sweyn  and  his  young 
son  Hakon.'  It  need  not  be  assumed  that  Eric 
at  this  time  made  a  final  surrender  of  his  own 
rights;  most  likely  it  was  the  administration  during 
the  period  of  his  absence  only  that  was  provided 
for  in  this  way. 

As  Hakon  was  yet  but  a  youth,  Eric  gave  him  a 
guardian  in  his  kinsman,  the  famous  Thronder 
chief,  Einar  Thongshaker.  In  his  day,  Einar  was 
the  best  archer  in  Norway;  hence  his  nickname, 
the  one  who  makes  the  bow-thong  tremble.  He, 
too,  had  fought  at  Swald,  but  on  King  Olaf 's  ship ; 
twice  did  his  arrow  seek  Eric's  life;  the  third  time 
he  drew  the  bow  it  was  struck  by  a  hostile  shaft, 
and  broke.  "What  broke?"  asked  the  King. 
"Norway  from  your  hands, "  replied  the  confident 
archer.'  After  Eric  and  his  brother  had  become 
rulers  in  Norway,  they  made  peace  with  Einar, 
married  him  to  their  sister,  the  generous  Bergljot, 
and  endowed  him  greatly  with  lands  and  influence. 
Of  the  three  men  to  whom  Norway  was  now 
committed,  he  was  clearly  the  ablest,  if  not  of  the 
greatest  consequence. 

Turning  again  to  England,  we  find  a  situation 
developing  that  was  anything  but  promising. 
Some  time  during  the  first  half  of  the  year,  a  gemot 
was  summoned  to  meet  at  Oxford,  near  the  border 
of  the  Danelaw.     Evidently  an  attempt  was  to  be 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  24. 

"  Ibid.,  Olaf  Trygoesson's  Saga,  c.  108. 


70  Canute  the  Great  iioi4- 

made  in  the  direction  of  a  closer  union  between  the 
North  and  the  South.  Among  others  who  attended 
were  two  Scandinavian  nobles  from  the  Seven 
Boroughs,  Sigeferth  and  Morcar.  So  far  as  names 
show  the  nationaHty  of  the  bearers,  they  might 
be  either  Angles  or  Northmen;  but  the  name  of 
their  father,  Amgrim,  is  unmistakably  Norse. 
During  the  sessions  of  the  gemot,  the  brothers 
were  accused  of  treason  and  slain  in  the  house  of 
Eadric,  the  Mercian  earl.  ^  The  result  was  a  riot ; 
the  followers  of  the  murdered  men  called  for 
revenge,  but  were  repulsed  and  driven  into  the 
tower  of  Saint  Frideswide's  Church,  which  the 
English  promptly  burned.  Such  a  violation  of 
the  right  of  sanctuary  could  not  be  overlooked 
even  in  those  impassioned  times ;  and  only  through 
penance  on  the  part  of  the  luckless  King  was  the 
stain  removed.* 

The  sources  are  at  one  in  laying  the  blame  for 
this  trouble  on  Earl  Eadric.  William  of  Malmes- 
bury  says  that  he  desired  the  wealth  of  the  two 
Danes,  and  we  find  that  Ethelred  actually  did 
exact  forfeiture.  But  it  may  also  be  that  Eadric 
was  endeavouring  to  extend  and  consolidate  his 
Mercian  earldom;  to  do  this  he  would  have  to 
devise  some  method  to  deprive  the  Seven  Boroughs 
of  their  peculiarly  independent  position  in  the 

'  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1015;  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chroni- 
con,  i.,  170-171.  The  Five  Boroughs  had  by  this  time  become 
the  Seven  Boroughs. 

'William  of  Malmesbury,  Gesta  Regum,  i.,  213. 


10161  English  Reaction  and  Norse  Revolt      71 

Danelaw  or  Danish  Mercia.  Whatever  his  pur- 
pose, he  seems  to  have  had  the  approval  of  the 
ill-counselled  King. 

Sigeferth's  widow,  Aldg5rth,  was  taken  as  a  pris- 
oner to  Malmesbury,  where  Edmimd,  Ethelred's 
virile  son,  saw  her  and  was  attracted  by  her.  But 
Ethelred  objected  to  his  son's  matrimonial  plans; 
the  reasons  are  not  recorded,  but  one  of  them,  at 
least,  can  be  readily  inferred :  callous  of  heart  as  the 
old  King  doubtless  was,  he  probably  did  not  enjoy 
the  thought  of  having  in  his  household  as  daughter- 
in-law  a  woman  who  could  not  help  but  be  a 
constant  reminder  of  a  deed  that  was  treacherous, 
stupid,  and  criminal.  Passion,  however,  was 
strong  in  Edmund  Ironside ;  he  married  the  widow 
in  spite  of  his  father's  veto;  more  than  that,  he 
demanded  her  slain  husband's  forfeited  official 
position.  Ethelred  again  refused,  whereupon  the 
Prince  proceeded  to  the  Danish  strongholds  and 
took  possession.^ 

Edmimd's  act  was  that  of  a  rebel;  but  in  the 
Danelaw  it  was  probably  regarded  in  large  part  as 
proper  vengeance.  Thus  fuel  was  added  to  the 
old  fire  that  burned  in  the  hearts  of  Dane  and 
Saxon.  The  spirit  of  rebellion,  so  general  in  the 
kingdom,  had  now  appeared  in  the  royal  family 
itself.  Most  significant  of  all,  the  Prince  had 
probably  thwarted  a  great  ambition :  how  much  of 
Mercia  was  under  Eadric's  control  at  this  time 
we  do  not  know;  but  a  man  of  the  ealdorman's 

» William  of  Malmesbury,  Gesta  Regum,  i.,  213. 


72  Canute  the  Great  tiOH- 

type  could  scarcely  be  satisfied  with  anything  less 
than  the  whole.  And  here  was  the  King's  son 
actually  governing  the  strongholds  of  the  earldom. 
Would  he  not  in  time  supplant  the  low-bom 
Eadric?  We  have  in  these  transactions  the  most 
plausible  explanation  of  Eadric's  treachery  a  little 
later,  when  Canute  was  again  in  the  land. 

It  was  late  in  the  summer, — some  time  between 
August  15th  and  September  8th,  according  to 
Florence  of  Worcester, — when  Edmund  appeared 
as  claimant  in  the  Danelaw.  Those  very  same 
weeks  must  have  seen  the  departure  of  Canute's 
fleet  from  Denmark.  The  expedition  that  now 
arrived  in  England  was  a  most  formidable  one; 
statements  vary  as  to  the  number  of  ships  ^  and  we 
know  nothing  as  to  the  strength  of  the  host;  but 
it  seems  likely  that  twenty  thousand  men  is  not 
an  extreme  estimate.  The  entire  North  assisted 
in  its  make-up,  though  it  may  be  that  the  Norse 
contingent  under  Earl  Eric  did  not  arrive  till 
later  in  the  year.  ^  The  distance  to  the  earl's 
garth  in  the  Thronder  country  was  long;  the 
Norwegian  chiefs  lived  scattered  and  apart;  a 
large  force  could,  therefore,  not  be  collected  in 
haste. 

Again  the  Encomiast  seizes  the  opportunity  to 

'  The  Encomiast  counts  two  hundred  ships  {Encomium  Emma, 
ii.,  c.  4).  The  Jomsvikingasaga  reports  960  (c.  52).  Adam  of 
Bremen  puts  the  number  at  1000  (Gesta,  ii.,  c.  50).  The  Encomi- 
ast is  doubtless  nearest  the  truth. 

'  The  Knytlingasaga  seems  to  indicate  that  Eric  came  late 
(c.  13)- 


1016]    English  Reaction  and  Norse  Revolt      73 

describe  a  Northern  fleet.  He  mentions  particu- 
lariy  the  gleaming  weapons  of  the  warriors  on 
board;  the  flaming  shields  that  hung  along  the 
gunwales;  the  figureheads  bright  with  silver  and 
gold — figures  of  lions,  of  men  with  threatening 
faces,  of  fiery  dragons,  and  of  biills  with  gilded 
horns.  And  he  asks  who  could  look  upon  such  an 
armament  and  not  fear  the  King  at  whose  bidding 
it  came.  The  warriors,  too,  were  carefully  selected: 

Moreover,  in  the  whole  force  there  could  be  found 
no  serf,  no  freedman,  none  of  ignoble  birth,  none 
weak  with  old  age.  All  were  nobles,  all  vigorous  with 
the  strength  of  complete  manhood,  fit  for  all  manner  of 
battle,  and  so  swift  on  foot  that  they  despised  the 
fleetness  of  cavalry.' 

There  is  evidently  some  exaggeration  here;  the 
nimierous  "nobles"  were  probably  plain  freemen; 
still,  it  is  clear  that  Canute  led  a  valiant,  well- 
equipped  host. 

But  Canute  was  not  the  only  adventurer  who 
sailed  in  quest  of  kingship  in  1015.  While  the 
youthful  Prince  was  mustering  his  fleet  in  the 
straits  of  Denmark,  Olaf  the  Stout  was  in  Britain 
preparing  to  sail  for  Norway  on  a  similar  errand — 
to  win  a  crown.  But  here  all  similarity  ceases; 
two  merchant  ships  and  fewer  than  two  hundred 
men  made  up  the  force  that  began  the  Norse 
revolt.     Still,  Olaf  Haroldsson,  too,  was  successful 

*  Encomium  EmmcB,  ii.,  c.  4. 


74  Canute  the  Great  tioH- 

and  bore  the  crown  of  Norway  till  he  fell  in  war 
with  Canute  in  1030. 

After  the  expulsion  of  the  Danes  from  England 
the  year  before,  Olaf  seems  to  have  returned  to 
piracy;  there  is  some  evidence  that  he  took  part 
in  an  expedition  of  this  sort  along  the  coasts  of 
Gaul  as  far  as  Aquitaine.  On  his  return  he  seems 
to  have  visited  Normandy,  where  he  may  have 
learned  of  Canute's  intentions  and  preparations. 
The  probability  is  strong  that  he  was  also  informed 
of  the  part  that  Eric  was  to  have  in  the  venture, 
for  he  seems  carefully  to  have  timed  his  depart- 
ure so  as  to  reach  Norway  just  after  the  earl 
had  left  the  coimtry  to  join  Canute.  He  first 
sailed  to  England,  stayed  for  a  time  in  North- 
umberland, where  he  made  the  necessary  pre- 
parations, and  thence  proceeded  to  the  west  coast 
of  Norway.' 

Fortune  smiled  on  the  bold  adventm-er.  Soon 
after  he  had  landed  he  learned  that  Hakon  was 
in  the  neighbourhood  and  set  out  to  capture  him. 
In  this  he  was  successful:  Olaf's  ships  were  mer- 
chant ships,  and  the  young  unsuspecting  earl 
rowed  into  a  sound  where  the  enemy  was  waiting 
for  him  and  passed  in  between  the  supposed  mer- 
chant vessels.  Olaf  had  stretched  a  rope  from 
ship  to  ship,  and  when  the  earl's  boat  was  directly 
between  them,  Olaf's  men  pulled  the  rope  till 
Hakon's  boat  capsized.  The  young  chief  and  a 
few  of  his  followers  were  saved.     Olaf  gave  him 

*  Snorre,  Saga  oj  Saint  Olaf,  cc.  28-29. 


10161    English  Reaction  and  Norse  Revolt      75 

quarter  on  condition  that  he  should  leave  Norway, 
surrender  his  rights  to  sovereignty,  and  swear 
never  more  to  fight  against  his  stout  opponent. 
Hakon  took  the  required  oaths  and  was  permitted 
to  depart.  He  hastened  to  England  and  reported 
the  matter  to  his  uncle  Canute.  But  the  English 
campaign  had  only  fairly  begun,  so  Canute  was 
in  no  position  to  interfere.  Hakon  remained  long 
with  Canute,  and  in  time  was  invested  with  an 
English  earldom.* 

Meanwhile,  the  Danish  fleet  had  arrived  at 
Sandwich;  but  from  Kent,  Canute  did  not  sail 
north  to  his  former  friends  in  the  Humber  lands ; 
he  reverted  to  the  old  viking  practices  of  harry- 
ing the  Southwest,  Dorset,  Wilts  and  Somerset.' 
Whether  this  was  his  original  plan  cannot  be 
known:  it  may  be  that  the  news  of  Edmund's 
activity  in  the  Danelaw  was  to  some  extent  re- 
sponsible for  this  move.  It  was  now  autumn  of 
the  year  1015;  but  if  England  hoped  that  the  host 
would  soon  follow  viking  customs  and  retire  into 
winter  quarters,  the  country  was  doomed  to  bitter 
disappointment;  for  the  enemy  now  had  a  leader 
who  saw  no  need  of  rest,  who  struck  in  winter  as 
well  as  in  summer. 

Canute  also  differed  from  earlier  chiefs  in  his 
ideas  of  conduct  on  the  battle-field.  The  viking 
band,  as  a  development  of  the  Teutonic  comitatus, 
was  naturally  inspired  with  its  ideas  of  honour  and 

«  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  cc.  30-31. 
*  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1015. 


76  Canute  the  Great  [ioi4- 

valour.  When  the  challenge  to  combat  had  been 
accepted,  it  was  the  duty  of  the  warrior  to  conquer 
or  perish  with  his  leader;  and  it  was  the  chief's 
duty  to  set  an  honourable  example  for  his  men. 
It  was  this  spirit  that  animated  King  Olaf  Tryg- 
vesson  at  Swald  when  his  men  urged  the  feasibility 
of  flight  before  the  battle  had  really  begun. 
"Strike  the  sails,"  he  commanded.  "My  men 
shall  not  think  of  flight;  never  have  I  fled  from 
combat."^ 

The  young  Dane  brought  no  such  ideas  to  the 
campaign  that  he  was  now  on  the  point  of  beginning. 
Being  by  race  more  a  Slav  than  a  Dane,  it  may  be 
that  he  did  not  readily  acquire  Germanic  ideas. 
His  training  with  the  Jomvikings,  perhaps  in  his 
early  youth,  at  least  now  in  his  British  camp, 
where  veterans  from  Jom  were  numerous  and 
Thurkil  the  Tall  was  the  chief  warrior,  ran  counter 
to  such  notions.  The  Jomvikings  would  retreat, 
sometimes  they  would  even  take  to  flight,  as  we 
infer  from  a  runic  inscription  that  reads  like  a 
rebuke  for  cowardly  retreat.* 

'  Snorre,  Olaf  Trygvesson's  Saga,  c.  102. 

'  The  Hallestad  Stone,  raised  in  memory  of  Toki,  Canute's 
granduncle,  who  fell  in  the  battle  of  Fyris  River: 

"Askell  raised  this  monument  in  memory  of  Toki,  Gorm's  son 
his  beloved  lord. 

He  did  not  flee 
At  Upsala. 

Henchmen  have  raised 
To  their  brother's  memory 


v^ 


THE  HALLESTAD   STONE 


1016]    English  Reaction  and  Norse  Revolt      77 

To  add  to  the  difficulties  of  England,  Ethelred 
was  stricken  with  an  illness  that  ended  his  life 
a  few  months  later.  The  hope  of  England  now 
lay  in  the  rebellious  Edmund,  who  was  still  in 
the  North  country.  He  and  Eadric  were  both 
gathering  forces  in  Mercia;  but  when  they  joined 
disagreements  seem  to  have  arisen;  for  soon  the 
Eari  again  played  the  traitor,  deserted  the  Etheling, 
and  with  "forty  ships"  repaired  to  Canute  and 
joined  his  host. 

In  the  language  of  the  day,  the  term  "ship"  did 
not  necessarily  refer  to  an  actual  sea-going  craft ;  it 
was  often  used  as  a  rude  form  of  reckoning  miH- 
tary  forces,  somewhat  less  than  one  hundred  men, 
perhaps.  It  has  been  thought  that  Eadric's 
deserters  were  the  remnant  of  Ethelred's  Danish 
mercenary  force  ^;  but  it  is  unlikely  that  so  many 
vikings  still  remained  in  the  English  service.     The 

On  the  firm-built  hill 

This  rock,  with  runes. 

To  Gorm's  son  Toki 

They  walked  nearest." 
Wimmer,  De  danske  Runemindesmcerker,  I.,  ii.  86,  flE. 

'  Thus  Steenstrup  {Normannerne,  iii.,  287-289)  and  Oman 
(England  before  the  Norman  Conquest,  577)  on  the  authority  of 
Florence  of  Worcester  {Chronicon,  i.,  171)  who  speaks  of  these 
men  as  Danish  warriors.  But  the  contemporary  writer  of  the 
Chronicle  speaks  of  Eadric's  forces  as  the  "fyrd, "  a  term  which  is 
always  used  for  the  native  levy,  "here"  being  the  term  used 
for  alien  troops. 

On  the  theory  of  serious  disagreements  with  Edmund,  whose 
accession  to  the  throne  seemed  imminent,  Eadric's  treason 
becomes  perfectly  intelligible.  For  a  selfish,  ambitious  man  Uke 
the  earl,  there  was  scarcely  any  other  course  to  take. 


78  Canute  the  Great  noH- 

chances  are  that  they  were  Mercians,  possibly 
Danish  Mercians.  Wessex  now  gave  up  the  fight, 
accepted  Canute  as  king,  and  provided  horses  for 
the  invading  army. 

It  must  have  been  about  Christmas  time  when 
Eadric  marched  his  men  down  into  the  South  to 
join  the  Danes.  A  few  days  later  the  restless 
Prince,  with  Eadric  in  his  train,  started  northward, 
crossed  the  Thames  at  Cricklade  in  Wiltshire, 
and  proceeded  toward  the  Warwick  country. 
Edmimd  had  apparently  come  south  to  meet  him, 
but  the  militia  were  an  unwilling  band.  They 
suddenly  became  sticklers  for  legal  form  and  regu- 
larity, and  refused  to  go  on  without  the  presence 
of  the  King  and  the  aid  of  London.  As  neither 
was  forthcoming,  the  English  dispersed.  Once 
more  the  summons  went  abroad,  and  once  more 
the  men  insisted  that  the  King  must  be  in  personal 
command :  let  him  come  with  what  forces  he  could 
muster.  Ethelred  came,  but  the  hand  of  death 
was  upon  him.  Evidently  the  old  King  had 
neither  courage  nor  strength.  Whispers  of  trea- 
son came  to  him:  "that  they  who  should  be  a 
help  to  him  intended  to  betray  him"^;  and  he 
suddenly  deserted  the  army  and  returned  to  the 
fastness  of  London. 

The  second  attempt  at  resistance  having  failed, 
Edmimd  left  the  South  to  its  fate,  and  rode  into 
Northumbria  to  seek  Earl  Uhtred.  No  better 
evidence  can  be  found  of  the  chaos  that  existed 

*  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1016. 


10161  English  Reaction  and  Norse  Revolt      79 

in  England  at  the  time.  The  Saxon  South  accepts 
the  invader,  while  a  prince  of  the  house  of  Alfred 
is  looking  for  aid  in  the  half-Scandinavian  regions 
beyond  the  Humber  that  had  once  so  readily 
submitted  to  Sweyn  Forkbeard.  What  agree- 
ments and  promises  were  made  are  not  known; 
but  soon  we  have  the  strange  spectacle  of  Edmimd 
and  his  new  ally  harrying  English  lands,  the 
Mercian  counties  of  Stafford,  Salop,  and  Chester. 
Doubtless  the  plan  was  to  punish  Eadric,  but  it 
was  a  plan  that  did  not  lead  to  a  united  England. 
The  punishment  of  the  deserters  was  probably 
incidental ;  evidently  the  allies  were  on  the  march 
southward  to  check  Canute.  Here  was  an  oppor- 
tunity for  the  young  Dane  to  show  some  gen- 
eralship, and  the  opportimity  was  improved. 
Turning  eastward  into  Bucks,  he  marched  his 
army  in  a  northeasterly  direction  toward  the  Fen- 
lands,  and  thence  northward  through  Lincoln  and 
Nottingham  toward  York.  When  Earl  Uhtred 
learned  of  this  attack  on  his  territories,  he  hastened 
back  to  Northumbria.  But  he  was  not  in  position 
to  fight,  and,  therefore, 

driven  by  necessity,  he  submitted,  and  all  Northum- 
bria with  him,  and  gave  hostages.  Nevertheless,  on 
the  advice  of  Eadric,  he  was  slain,  and  with  him 
Thurkil,  the  son  of  Nafena.  And  after  that  the  king 
made  Eric  earl  of  Northumbria  with  all  the  rights 
that  Uhtred  had. ' 

'  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1016.  ' 


8o  Canute  the  Great  tioi4- 

The  Chronicler  seems  to  believe  that  Uhtred 
was  slain  soon  after  his  submission,  and  it  could 
not  have  been  very  much  later.  Simeon  of  Dur- 
ham tells  us  that  the  Earl  was  slain  by  an  enemy 
named  Thurbrand^ ;  but  it  seems  clear  that  Canute 
approved  the  act  and  perhaps  desired  it.  It  is 
extremely  probable  that  Uhtred  was  removed  to 
make  room  for  Eric.  When  young  Hakon  arrived 
as  a  fugitive,  Eric  doubtless  realised  that  his 
Norwegian  earldom  was  slipping  away.  All 
through  the  fall  and  winter  Olaf  had  been  travel- 
ling along  the  shores  and  up  through  the  dales; 
wherever  it  was  practicable  he  had  summoned  the 
peasantry  to  public  assemblies  and  presented  his 
case.  His  appeal  was  to  national  Norse  pride 
and  to  the  people's  sense  of  loyalty  to  Harold 
Fairhair's  dynasty.  Almost  everywhere  the  ap- 
peal was  successful. 

But  the  men  who  loved  the  old  order  were  not 
willing  to  yield  without  a  struggle.  While  Canute 
was  making  his  winter  campaign  from  the  Channel 
to  York,  both  parties  were  active  in  Norway, 
Sweyn  and  Einar  in  the  Throndelaw,  Olaf  in  the 
South.  All  through  Lent  the  fleets  were  gathering. 
Finally  on  Palm  Sunday,  March  25,  1016,  the 
dragons  encountered  each  other  at  the  Nesses, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Christiania  Firth. 
Neither  force  was  great,  though  that  of  Sweyn 
and  Einar  was  considerably  larger  than  the  pre- 
tender's host.     It  has  been  estimated  that  Olaf 

'  Opera,  ii.,  148. 


loiei   English  Reaction  and  Norse  Revolt      8i 

had  fewer  than  2000  men,  his  opponents  nearly 
twice  as  many.  At  the  Nesses  for  the  first  time 
the  cross  figured  prominently  in  Norwegian 
warfare:  golden,  red,  or  blue  crosses  adorned  the 
shining  shields  of  the  kingsmen.  After  mass  had 
been  simg  and  the  men  had  breakfasted,  Olaf 
sailed  out  and  made  the  attack.  The  outcome 
was  long  uncertain,  but  finally  victory  was  with 
the  King.^ 

From  the  Nesses  Einar  and  Sweyn  fled  to 
Sweden.  Here  they  were  offered  assistance  and 
were  planning  an  expedition  against  King  Olaf 
for  the  following  year,  when  Earl  Sweyn  suddenly 
died.  As  there  was  no  one  in  Norway  around 
whom  the  dissatisfied  elements  could  rally,  all 
attempts  to  dislodge  the  new  King  were  given  up 
for  the  time.  Some  of  the  defeated  chiefs  may 
have  sought  refuge  with  Canute ;  at  any  rate  the 
news  of  the  Nesses  could  not  have  been  long  in 
reaching  the  York  country.  As  Eric  had  come 
to  England  at  Canute's  request,  the  Prince  doubt- 
less felt  that  he  owed  his  brother-in-law  some 
compensation.  Furthermore,  with  the  Norse 
earl  in  control  at  York,  Canute  could  feel  more 
secure  as  to  Northumbrian  loyalty.  There  thus 
existed  in  the  spring  of  10 16  a  double  reason  for 
removing  Uhtred. 

Another  Northimibrian  magnate,  Thurkil  the 
son  of  Nafna,  is  mentioned  as  sharing  the  strong 
earl's  fate.     Who  Thurkil  was  is  not  known;  but 

*  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  cc.  46-51. 
6 


S2  Canute  the  Great  [ioi4- 

it  is  clear  that  he  must  have  been  a  noble  of 
considerable  prominence,  as  he  would  otherwise 
hardly  be  known  to  a  chronicler  in  Southern 
England.  His  name  gives  evidence  of  Northern 
blood ;  but  thus  far  his  identity  has  been  a  mystery, 
and  the  following  attempt  at  identification  can 
claim  plausibility  only.  King  Olaf  Trygvesson 
had  a  younger  half-brother  who  was  known  to 
the  scalds  as  Thurkil  Nefja  or  "Nosy."  In  the 
expedition  to  Wendland  in  looo,  he  commanded 
the  Short  Serpent.  At  Swald  he  fought  on  King 
Olaf's  own  ship,  and  was  the  last  to  leap  over- 
board when  Eric  and  his  men  boarded  and  seized 
it.     Of  him  sang  Hallfred  Troublous-scald: 

Strong-souled  Thurkil 

Saw  the  Crane  and  the  Dragons 

Two  float  empty 

(Gladly  had  he  grappled), 

Ere  the  arm-ring  wearer. 
Mighty  in  warfare, 
Leaped  into  the  sea,  seeking 
Life  by  swimming, ' 

The  inference  is  that  he  actually  escaped,  and  it 
seems  possible  that  we  find  him  again  in  England 
after  sixteen  years.  As  all  the  rulers  of  the  North 
had  conspired  against  Olaf,  he  would  be  compelled 
to  seek  refuge  in  other  lands,  preferably  in  one  of 

'  Snorre,  Olaf  Trygvesson' s  Saga,  c.  iii.,  Corpus  Poeticum 
Boreale,  ii.,  92 


toi6]    English  Reaction  and  Norse  Revolt      83 

the  Scandinavian  colonies  in  the  West.  But  for 
Thurkil  now  to  serve  loyally  and  peaceably  under 
the  man  who  drove  his  brother  to  death  and  seized 
his  kingdom  might  be  difficult ;  and  he  may  there- 
fore have  been  sacrificed  to  Eric's  security.  The 
statement  that  his  father's  name  was  Nafna 
presents  a  difficulty;  but  the  Chronicler  may  not 
have  been  thoroughly  informed  on  the  subject 
of  Norse  nicknames  and  may  have  mistaken  the 
by-name  for  the  name  of  his  father. 

After  the  submission  of  Northumbria,  Canute 
returned  to  the  South.  This  time  he  carefully 
avoided  the  Danelaw;  evidently  he  wished  that 
his  friends  in  Danish  Mercia  should  suffer  no 
provocation  to  rise  against  him;  the  route,  there- 
fore, lay  through  the  West.  The  campaign  was 
swiftly  carried  through,  for  by  Easter  (April  i), 
Canute  was  again  with  his  ships.  Wessex  and 
Northumbria  were  now  both  pacified.  In  the 
Midlands  there  can  have  been  but  little  active 
hostility.  London  alone  showed  the  old  determina- 
tion to  resist;  here  were  Ethelred  and  Edmund 
with  a  number  of  the  English  magnates.  Canute 
immediately  began  preparations  for  a  last  descent 
upon  the  stubborn  city;  but  before  his  dragons 
had  actually  left  harbour,  England  had  lost  her 
king. 

April  23,  1016,  Ethelred  died.  To  say  anything 
in  real  praise  of  the  unfortunate  King  is  impos- 
sible. The  patriotic  monk  who  chronicled  the 
sad  events  of  this  doleful   period  can   only  say 


84  Canute  the  Great  [1014-1016I 

that  "he  kept  his  realm  with  great  trouble 
and  siiffering  the  while  that  he  lived.  "^  Any- 
striking  abilities  Ethelred  cannot  have  possessed. 
He  was  easily  influenced  for  evil — perhaps  he 
was  faithless.  But  to  lay  all  the  blame  for  the 
downfall  of  England  upon  the  incapable  king 
would  be  missing  the  point.  The  Old  English 
monarchy  was,  after  all,  a  frail  kingdom.  The 
success  of  Edgar  in  reducing  the  Scandinavian 
colonies  to  unquestioned  obedience  was  probably 
due  in  large  part  to  his  sterling  qualities  as  king; 
but  in  still  greater  measure,  perhaps,  to  the  fact 
that,  during  his  reign,  the  viking  spirit  was  at  its 
lowest  ebb :  consequently  the  stream  of  reinforce- 
ments having  ceased  to  flow  across  the  North 
Sea,  the  Anglo-Danes  were  forced  to  yield.  But 
now  the  situation  was  totally  different.  In  the 
early  years  of  the  eleventh  century  only  states- 
manship of  the  highest  order  could  have  saved  the 
dynasty;  but  England  had  neither  statesmen  nor 
statesmanship  in  Ethelred 's  day. 

^Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1016. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  EDMUND  IRONSIDE 
IOI6 

THE  Old  English  kingship  was  elective:  on  the 
death  of  a  ruler,  the  great  lords  and  the  high 
officials  of  the  Church,  the  "  witan"  or  wise,  would 
meet  in  formal  assembly  to  select  a  successor. 
Usually  the  nearest  male  heir  of  the  house  of 
Alfred  would  be  chosen;  but  circumstances  might 
dictate  a  different  selection,  and  in  such  cases  the 
"wise  men"  seem  to  have  possessed  plenary 
powers.  In  the  spring  of  1016,  however,  a  free 
choice  was  impossible;  nearly  the  whole  kingdom 
was  pledged  to  the  invader.  In  his  camp  were 
the  Saxon  hostages;  and  the  great  Dane  had 
shown  on  an  earlier  occasion  that  he  could  be 
cruel  when  he  thought  a  pledge  was  broken. 

During  the  winter  months  the  Danish  fleet  had 
apparently  been  moored  at  the  old  viking  rendez- 
vous, the  Isle  of  Wight,  or  in  some  neighbotuing 
harbom-.  In  April,  Canute  was  back  from  his 
march  to  York  and  was  getting  his  ships  in  readi- 
ness for  further  operations,  when  the  death  of 
Ethelred  checked  his  movements.     With  remark- 

85 


86  Canute  the  Great  noi6] 

able  promptness  the  notables  (perhaps  those  of 
Southern  England  only)  came  together  at  some 
point  imknown,  awarded  the  kingship  to  Canute, 
and  proscribed  all  the  descendants  of  Ethelred. 
This  done,  they  adjourned  to  Southampton  to  give 
their  pledges  of  loyalty.  It  was  a  body  of  great 
respectability  that  thus  gathered  to  pay  homage, 
containing,  as  it  did,  both  laymen  and  churchmen, 
lords,  bishops,  and  abbots.  The  election  must 
have  been  held  some  time  about  the  close  of  the 
month,  for  by  the  seventh  of  May,  Canute  was  at 
Greenwich  with  his  fleet.  ^ 

In  London,  too,  an  assembly  had  met  and  a 
king  had  been  chosen.  Edmimd  was  in  the  city 
when  his  father  died.  The  chiefs  present,  "all 
the  witan  who  were  in  London  and  the  citizens  of 
London,"  as  the  Chronicler  carefully  puts  it,  at 
once  proclaimed  Edmimd  king.  Thus  both  the 
peace  party  and  the  war  party  had  acted.  It  is 
clear,  however,  that  neither  of  these  elections 
could  lay  any  claim  to  legality;  neither  assembly 
could  pretend  to  represent  the  entire  kingdom; 
between  the  death  of  Ethelred  in  April  and  the 
accession  of  Canute  at  the  following  Christmas, 
England  had  no  lawful  ruler. 

Canute  at  once  proceeded  to  the  siege  of  London. 
His  plan  was  to  isolate  the  city  completely,  to 
block  the  Thames  both  above  and  below  the 
town,  and  to  prevent  all  intercourse  with  the 
country  to  the  north.      To  accomplish  this  invest- 

'  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  173. 


(10161  The  Struggle  with  Edmund  Ironside    87 

ment,  a  canal  was  dug  around  London  Bridge 
wide  enough  to  permit  the  long  but  narrow  viking 
ships  to  pass  into  the  stream  west  of  the  city. 
On  the  north  side  a  ditch  was  dug  enclosing  the 
entire  town,  "so  that  no  man  could  come  either 
in  or  out.  "^  Vigorous  efforts  were  made  from 
time  to  time  to  storm  the  fortifications,  "every 
morning  the  lady  on  the  Thames  bank  sees  the 
sword  dyed  in  blood"";  but  the  townsmen  held 
their  own.  The  siege  continued  through  the 
month  of  May  and  perhaps  till  late  in  Jime,  when 
it  seems  to  have  been  interrupted  by  disquieting 
news  from  the  West. 

On  the  approach  of  the  fleet,  or  at  least  before 
the  investment  had  become  complete,  Edmund 
left  London.  We  are  told  that  his  departure  was 
secret,  which  is  probable,  as  it  was  surely  to  his 
interest  to  keep  Canute  in  the  dark  as  to  his 
whereabouts.  We  do  not  know  who  directed  the 
defence  of  London  during  his  absence;  a  year  or 
two  later,  Thietmar,  the  bishop  of  Merseburg, 
introduced  into  his  Chronicle  a  confused  account 
of  these  events,  in  which  Queen  Emma  is  made  to 
play  an  important  part  in  the  resistance  of  1016. ' 
It  may  be  that  the  Queen  had  returned  with  Ethel- 
red,  but  it  is  doubtful.  When  Canute  heard  that 
his  enemies  were  mustering  in  the  South-west,  he 
seems  to  have  detached  a  part  of  his  force  and 

^  Anglo- Saxon  Chronicle,  1016. 

*  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  108:  the  Lithsmen's  Song. 

3  Book  vii.,  c.  28. 


88  Canute  the  Great  [1016] 

sent  it  westward  to  look  for  Edmund.  At  Pensel- 
wood,  near  Gillingham  in  Dorset,  the  Danes  came 
upon  the  Saxon  forces.  Edmimd's  success  in 
raising  the  West  had  not  been  great; but,  "trusting 
in  the  help  of  God,"  he  gave  battle  and  won  a 
victory.  ^  It  is  likely  that  the  affair  at  Penselwood 
was  little  more  than  a  skirmish,  for  it  seems  to 
have  made  small  difference  in  the  relative  positions 
of  the  contending  forces.  But  it  gave  Edmund 
what  he  sorely  needed — the  prestige  of  success. 
A  month  later,  battle  was  again  joined  at  Sherstone, 
a  Httle  farther  to  the  north  near  Malmesbiuy  in 
the  upper  part  of  Wiltshire. 

The  encotmter  at  Sherstone  was  a  genuine 
battle  fiercely  fought,  one  that  lived  long  in  the 
memories  of  Englishmen.  It  occurred  after  the 
feast  of  Saint  John,  probably  in  the  early  days  of 
July.  The  earlier  soiuces  do  not  mention  Canute 
in  connection  with  this  fight;  with  Eric  he  was 
apparently  continuing  the  siege  of  London.  The 
western  campaign  was  evidently  in  Thiu"kirs 
hands;  the  sources  also  mention  three  prominent 
Englishmen,  Eadric,  Almar  Darling,  and  Algar, 
as  fighting  on  the  Danish  side.*  The  Encomiast, 
who  speaks  of  a  Danish  victory  at  Sherstone, 
gives  the  entire  credit  to  Thiu'kil,  whom  he  naively 
describes  as  a  fervent  believer  "continuously 
sending  up  silent  prayers  to  God  for  victory."^ 

'  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  i74-        '  Ibid.,  i.,  175. 
3  Encomium  Emmoe,  ii.,  c.  6.     See  also  Thietmar,  Chronicon, 
vii.,  c.  28. 


[1016]  The  Struggle  with  Edmund  Ironside    89 

Sherstone  was  at  best  a  drawn  battle,  neither 
side  claiming  a  victory.  The  Anglo-Norman 
historians,  true  to  their  habit  of  looking  for  some 
traitor  on  whom  to  blame  the  outcome,  could  not 
overlook  Eadric;  he  is  said  to  have  picked  up  the 
head  of  a  soldier  who  bore  some  resemblance  to 
Edmimd  and  thus  to  have  deceived  the  Saxons 
into  believing  that  their  leader  was  dead.*  The 
tale  is  obviously  mythical;  if  Henry  of  Huntingdon 
is  to  be  trusted,  the  trick  was  played  again  later 
in  the  year  at  Ashington. 

After  the  encoimter  at  Sherstone,  Thurkil 
seems  to  have  joined  Canute  before  London;  but 
his  whole  force  did  not  return  with  hirp.  Eadric 
once  more  had  shifted  his  allegiance ;  he  had  made 
peace  with  Edmund  and  had  joined  him  against 
the  invader.  Whatever  his  motives  may  have 
been,  there  can  be  no  dispute  as  to  the  importance 
of  his  new  move.  Edmund's  army  was  strength- 
ened, as  was  doubtless  his  prestige  in  the  Midlands. 
For  the  third  time  he  had  an  army  at  his  command, 
gathered,  it  seems,  from  the  region  north  of  the 
Thames.  With  this  host  he  marched  to  the  relief 
of  London.  On  the  appearance  of  this  force, 
Canute  foimd  himself  in  a  difficult  situation:  to 
maintain  a  siege  and  fight  a  vigorous  foeman  at 
the  same  time,  required  forces  greater  than  those 
at  the  Dane's  command.  Prudence  was  Canute's 
greatest  virtue,  and  he  promptly  raised  the  siege 

'  The  story  is  first  told  by  Florence  of  Worcester  {Chronicon, 
iv  175)- 


90  Canute  the  Great  [1016] 

and  withdrew  to  his  ships.  Edmund  seems  to 
have  come  up  with  his  forces  to  Brentford,  just 
as  the  Danes  were  busy  crossing  to  the  south  bank. 
The  enemy  fled;  but  many  of  the  EngHsh  were 
drowned  "because  of  their  own  heedlessness,  as 
they  rushed  ahead  of  the  main  force  to  get  at  the 
booty."''  Evidently  the  whole  Danish  force  had 
not  left  London,  as  the  fight  at  Brentford  was  two 
days  after  the  city  had  been  relieved. 

With  the  relief  of  London,  the  English  seem  to 
have  considered  their  duty  done,  and  soon  Ed- 
mimd  found  himself  once  more  without  an  army. ' 
It  may,  of  coiu*se,  be  that  the  apparent  lack  of 
patriotism  was  due  to  the  necessities  of  the  harvest 
season,  which  must  have  arrived  by  this  time. 
The  tireless  Edmund  next  made  a  visit  to  Wessex 
to  raise  the  mihtia  there.  While  he  was  seeldng 
recruits,  the  Danes  returned  to  London,  resumed 
the  siege,  and  attacked  the  city  furiously  by  land 
and  sea,  but  as  usual  failed  to  take  it. 

^  If  the  skirmishers  who  were  seeking  booty  were  in  advance  of 
the  rest  and  by  a  rally  of  the  Danes  were  driven  into  the  Thames, 
the  main  force  must  still  have  been  on  the  north  bank.  The 
"battle "  must  therefore  have  been  fought  on  the  north  bank  while 
a  fragment  of  Canute's  army  was  on  the  retreat,  perhaps  on  the 
point  of  fording  the  stream.  At  any  rate,  we  seem  hardly  justi- 
fied in  calling  the  engagement  at  Brentford  a  "pitched  battle." 
See  Oman,  England  before  the  Norman  Conquest,  579. 

» Oman  {ibid.)  seems  to  believe  that  Edmund  retained  his 
forces  but  went  into  Wessex  to  get  reinforcements.  But  unless 
Edmund's  victorious  army  had  to  a  large  extent  melted  away,  it 
is  difficult  to  account  for  Canute's  prompt  return  to  the  siege  of 
London. 


[10161  The  Struggle  with  Edmund  Ironside    91 

The  supply  of  provisions  was  probably  running 
low  in  the  Danish  camp,  for  we  next  hear  of 
a  pillaging  expedition  into  Mercia.  Ordinarily 
that  region  was  spared;  but  Eadric's  defection 
had  made  it  hostile  territory  and,  furthermore,  it 
was  probably  the  only  neighbouring  section  that 
had  not  been  drained  to  the  limit.  Whether  the 
entire  army  took  part  in  the  foray  is  uncertain; 
but  the  probabilities  are  that  it  was  the  raid 
mentioned  by  the  Encomiast  as  undertaken  by 
Eric  with  Canute's  permission.  Part  of  the  host 
may  have  remained  on  the  Isle  of  Sheppey  in  the 
mouth  of  the  Medway,  where  a  camp  appears  to 
have  been  established. 

The  fleet  sailed  north  to  the  Orwell  in  Suffolk, 
and  thence  the  host  proceeded  westward  into 
Mercia,  "slaying  and  burning  whatever  they  came 
across,  as  is  their  wont.  "^  As  the  crops  had  just 
been  garnered,  the  raiders  did  not  return  empty- 
handed.  Laden  with  plunder  they  began  the 
return  to  the  Medway,  the  footmen  in  the  ships, 
the  horsemen  by  land,  driving  the  plimdered  flocks 
before  them.  ^ 

With  the  forces  of  the  enemy  thus  divided, 
Edmund's    opportunity    had    come.     With    his 

^Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1016.  On  this  raid  Eric  seems  to 
have  met  and  defeated  Ulfketel,  who  "gat  ugly  blows  from  the 
thingmen's  weapons,"  as  we  are  told  by  Thorrod  in  the  Eric's 
Praise.  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  105.  The  raid  seems  also 
to  be  alluded  to  in  the  Lithsmen's  Song  (ibid.,  107). 

» Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  176. 


92  Canute  the  Great  [1016] 

fourth  army,  collected  from  "  all  parts  of  England," 
he  crossed  the  Thames  at  Brentford  and  dashed 
after  the  Danes,  who,  encumbered  with  b  oty, 
were  hurrying  eastward  through  Kent.  At  Otford, 
in  the  western  part  of  Kent,  Edmund  came  up 
with  the  raiders  and  slew  a  number  of  them;  but 
much  fighting  there  could  not  have  been,  as  the 
Danes  were  apparently  unwilling  to  make  a  stand 
and  hurried  on  to  Sheppey.  If  Edmund  had  been 
free  to  make  use  of  the  advantage  that  was  his, 
it  seems  that  he  might  have  destroyed  a  consider- 
able part  of  the  Danish  host;  but  at  Aylesford  he 
was  evidently  detained  by  a  quarrel  with  Eadric 
and  the  raiders  escaped.^ 

Canute's  position  in  the  autumn  of  10 16  must 
have  been  exceedingly  difficult  and  serious,  even 
critical.  After  a  year  of  continuous  warfare — 
marches,  battles,  sieges — he  seemed  as  far  as  ever 
from  successful  conquest.  Edmund  had,  indeed, 
won  no  great  victories;  still,  he  had  been  able  to 

^  The  account  in  the  Chronicle  of  what  occurred  at  Aylesford 
is  ambiguous  and  has  been  variously  interpreted:  "and  the  King 
slew  as  many  as  he  could  come  upon;  and  Eadric  ealdorman 
turned  against  [or  toward?]  the  king  at  Aylesford.  Nor  was  there 
ever  worse  counsel  adopted  than  that  was. "  Some  writers  have  in- 
terpreted this  to  mean  that  Eadric  joined  Edmund  at  Aylesford 
and  not  after  Sherstone,  as  stated  by  Florence.  But  the  Saxon 
gewende  ongean  has  a  hostile  rather  than  a  favourable  colour. 
The  probabilities  are  that  Eadric  opposed  Edmund's  plans  at 
Aylesford  and  thus  rendered  further  pursuit  impossible.  Such 
is  Florence  of  Worcester's  version  (Chronicon,  i.,  177).  For  a 
different  view  see  Hodgkin  (Pol.  Hist,  of  Eng.,  i.,  397)  and  Oman 
(England  before  the  Norman  Conquest,  580). 


[10161  The  Struggle  with  Edmund  Ironside    93 

relieve  London,  to  stay  the  current  of  Danish 
successes,  to  infuse  hope  and  patriotic  fervour 
into  the  hearts  of  the  discouraged  English.  But 
too  much  must  not  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that 
Canute,  too,  had  been  only  moderately  successful 
on  the  battle-field ;  he  was  one  of  those  commanders, 
who  are  not  attracted  by  great  battles.  In  two 
respects  he  possessed  a  decided  advantage:  he 
had  a  splendid  army  that  did  not  desert ;  he  had  a 
great  fleet  to  which  he  could  retire  when  too  hotly 
pursued.  In  the  autumn  of  1016,  Edmiind  had 
come  with  a  strong  force  to  the  lower  Thames; 
the  enemy,  however,  was  out  of  reach  on  the  Isle 
of  Sheppey.  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that 
Canute  would  long  lie  idle;  but  operations  in 
the  direction  of  London  were  impossible  in  the 
presence  of  Edmund's  army.  Canute  accord- 
ingly embarked  his  men,  crossed  the  estuary 
once  more,  and  proceeded  to  devastate  East 
Anglia. 

Edmund  started  in  pursuit,  and  on  the  i8th 
(or  19th)  of  October  he  came  upon  the  Danes  at 
Ashington  in  Essex,  as  they  were  on  their  way  back 
to  their  ships.  There  seem  to  have  been  divided 
counsels  among  the  English  as  to  the  advisability 
of  making  an  attack,  Eadric  in  particular  advis- 
ing against  it.  ^  But  Edmiind  was  determined  to 
strike,  and  about  the  middle  of  the  afternoon  the 
battle  began.  The  English  had  the  advantage 
of  numbers;  but  there  was  a  traitor  in  camp: 

'  Encomium  Emma,  ii.,  c.  12. 


94  Canute  the  Great  [1016] 

Eadric  sulked  and  refused  to  order  his  forces  of 
men  from  Hereford  into  battle.  The  fight  con- 
tinued till  nightfall,  and  did  not  cease  entirely 
even  then.  Darkness  finally  put  an  end  to  the 
carnage,  and  the  Angles  fled  from  the  field. 

It  is  said  that  Canute  was  not  eager  to  fight; 
but  the  feeling  in  his  army  must  have  been  differ- 
ent. The  banner  of  the  invaders  was  the  ancient 
Raven  Banner,  the  raven  being  Woden's  own  bird. 
It  is  said  of  this  banner  that  it  was  made  of  plain 
white  silk  and  bore  no  image  of  any  sort ;  but,  when 
battle  began,  Woden's  bird  appeared  upon  its 
folds,  its  behaviour  indicating  the  outcome.  In 
the  presence  of  victory  it  showed  great  activity 
in  bill  and  wings  and  feet ;  when  defeat  was  immin- 
ent, it  hung  its  head  and  did  not  move.  We  are 
told  that  it  was  reported  in  Canute's  army  that  the 
raven  had  appeared  and  showed  unusual  excite- 
ment.^ Perhaps  of  even  greater  importance  was 
military  skill  and  experienced  generalship.  The 
tactics  employed  seem  to  have  been  such  as  the 
Northmen  frequently  used :  at  the  critical  moment, 
the  Danes  pretended  to  retreat ;  but  when  the  lines 
of  the  pursuing  English  were  broken,  they  closed 
up  the  ranks  and  cut  the  Saxon  advance  in  pieces. 
During  the  night,  the  Danes  encamped  on  the 
battle-field;  the  next  day  they  buried  their  fallen 
comrades  and  removed  all  articles  of  value  from 

'  The  Encomiast  admits  that  the  tale  is  hard  to  believe,  but 
avers  that  it  is  true  (ii.,  c.  9).  The  story  of  the  raven  is  old  and 
occurs  earlier  in  the  English  sources. 


ANGLO-SAXON  WARRIORS 
(From  a  manuscript  in  the  British  Museum,  reproduced  in  Norges  Hislorie,  i.,  ii.) 


THE   RAVEN   BANNER 
(From  the  Bayeux  Tapestry.) 


11016]  The  Struggle  with  Edmund  Ironside    95 

the  bodies  of  their  Saxon  adversaries,  the  corpses 
being  left  to  the  wolf  and  the  raven. 

The  English  aristocracy  suffered  heavily  at 
Ashington.  The  sources  mention  six  magnates 
among  the  slain:  Godwin  the  ealdorman  of 
Lindsey;  an  ealdorman  Alfric  whose  locality  is 
unknown;  Ulfketel,  ealdorman  of  East  Anglia; 
Ethelward,  son  of  an  earlier  East  Anglian  ealdor- 
man; also  the  bishop  of  Dorchester  and  the  abbot 
of  Ramsey.  *  It  is  a  noteworthy  fact  that  nearly 
all  these  are  from  Eastern  England ;  so  far  as  we 
know  not  one  of  them  came  from  below  the  Thames. 
It  may  be  true  that  all  England  was  represented 
in  Edmimd's  host  at  Ashington ;  but  we  are  tempted 
to  conclude  that  perhaps  the  army  was  chiefly  com- 
posed of  East  Anglians  summoned  by  the  doughty 
Earl  Ulfketel. 

By  far  the  most  prominent  of  all  the  slain  was 
this  same  Earl,  the  ruler  of  Saint  Edmimd's  king- 
dom. Ulfketel  is  said  to  have  been  Edmund's 
brother-in-law.  As  his  name  is  unmistakably 
Norse,  it  is  more  than  likely  that  his  ancestry  was 
Scandinavian.  In  his  earldom  he  appears  to 
have  been  practically  sovereign.  So  impressed 
were  the  Norse  scalds  with  the  power  and  import- 
ance of  the  Earl  that  they  spoke  of  East  Anglia 
as  Ulfkelsland.  *  The  sagas  accuse  him  of  having 
instigated  the  slaughter  of  the  thingmen,  especially 

^Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  ioi6.  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chron- 
icon,  i.,  178.  ^ 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  14. 


96  Canute  the  Great  [1016I 

of  having  destroyed  Heming's  corps  at  Slesswick. 
Thurkil  is  naturally  mentioned  as  his  banesman.^ 

Eadric's  behaviour  at  Ashington  furnishes  an 
interesting  but  difficult  problem.  To  the  Saxon 
and  Norman  historians  it  was  the  basest  treachery, 
premeditated  flight  at  the  critical  moment.  Still, 
after  the  battle  he  appears  in  the  councils  of  the 
English  in  apparently  good  standing,  even  as  a 
leader.  From  the  guarded  statements  of  the 
Encomiast,  we  should  infer  that  Eadric  had  ad- 
vised against  the  battle,  that  his  counsel  had  been 
rejected,  that  he  therefore  had  remained  neutral 
and  that  he  had  withdrawn  his  forces  before  the 
battle  was  joined.  ^ 

From  Ashington  Edmimd  fled  westward  to  the 
Severn  Valley;  Canute  returned  to  the  siege  of 
London.  Once  more  Edmund  tried  to  gather  an 
army,  this  time,  however,  with  small  success; 
England  was  exhausted;  her  leaders  lay  on  the 
field  of  Ashington.  Soon  the  Danes,  too,  appeared 
in  Gloucestershire.  Some  sort  of  a  council  must 
have  been  called  to  deliberate  on  the  state  of  the 
country,  and  the  decision  was  reached  to  seek 
peace  on  the  basis  of  a  divided  kingdom.  Eadric 
seems  particularly  to  have  urged  this  solution. 
Edmund  reluctantly  consented,  and  ambassadors 
were  sent  to  Canute's  camp  to  offer  terms  of  peace. 

It  seems  at  first  sight  rather  surprising  that 
Canute  should  at  this  time  be  willing  even  to 
negotiate;    apparently   he   had    Edmund   in    his 

'  Jdmsvikingasaga,  c.  52.  *  Encomium  Emmce,  ii.,  c.  12. 


110161  The  Struggle  with  Edmund  Ironside    97 

power,  and  England  showed  no  disposition  to 
continue  the  war.  Still,  the  situation  in  his  own 
host  was  doubtless  an  argument  for  peace.  After 
more  than  a  year  of  continued  warfare,  his  forces 
must  have  decreased  appreciably  in  numbers. 
Recruiting  was  difficult,  especially  must  it  have 
been  so  on  the  eve  of  winter.  Without  a  strong 
force  he  could  do  little  in  a  hostile  country.  The 
campaign  had  been  strenuous  even  for  the  vikings, 
and  the  Danes  are  represented  as  thoroughly 
tired  of  the  war.  ^  Canute  therefore  accepted  the 
offer  of  the  English,  with  the  added  condition  that 
Danegeld  should  be  levied  for  the  support  of  his 
army  in  Edmimd's  kingdom  as  well  as  in  his  own. 
On  some  little  island  near  Deerhurst  in  Glouces- 
tershire, *  the  two  chiefs  met  and  reached  an  agree- 
ment which  put  an  end  to  the  devastating  war  and 
pillage  that  had  cursed  England  for  more  than  a 
generation.  It  was  agreed  that  Edmund  should 
have  Wessex  and  Canute  Mercia  and  Northum- 
bria;  or,  in  a  general  way,  that  the  Thames  should 
be  the  dividing  line  between  the  two  kingdoms. 
As  to  the  disposition  of  East  Anglia  and  Essex 
there  is  some  doubt:  Florence  holds  that  these 
territories  with  the  city  of  London  were  assigned 
to  Edmund.  So  far  as  London  is  concei-ied,  this 
seems  to  be  erroneous:  Canute  took  immediate 

'  Encomium  EmmcB,  ii.,  c.  13. 

'  Probably  not  the  isle  of  Olney,  but  some  other  islet  that  has 
since  disappeared.  See  Oman,  England  before  the  Norman  Con- 
quest, 581. 


98  Canute  the  Great  [1016] 

possession  of  the  city  and  made  preparations  to 
spend  the  winter  there,  which  seems  a  strange 
proceeding  if  the  place  was  not  to  be  his.  The 
kingdom  of  England  was  thus  dissolved.  There 
is  no  good  evidence  that  Canute  understood  his 
position  to  be  that  of  a  vassal  king ;  he  had  without 
doubt  complete  sovereignty  in  his  own  domains. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  fact  that  Edmimd  agreed 
to  levy  Danegeld  in  his  own  kingdom  of  Wessex 
looks  suspiciously  like  the  recognition  of  Canute 
as  overlord  of  the  southern  kingdom. 

The  compact  of  Olney,  says  Florence  of  Worces- 
ter, was  one  of  "peace,  friendship,  and  brother- 
hood." Other  writers  state  that  the  two  kings 
agreed  to  become  sworn  brothers  and  that  the 
survivor  should  inherit  the  realm  of  the  other 
brother.  ^  We  cannot  affirm  that  such  a  covenant 
was  actually  made,  as  the  authority  is  not  of  the 
best.  There  is,  however,  nothing  improbable  in 
the  statement;  the  custom  was  not  unusual  in 
the  North.  Twenty  years  later,  Canute's  son, 
Harthacanute,  entered  into  a  similar  relationship 
with  his  rival,  King  Magnus  of  Norway,  who  had 
been  making  war  on  Denmark.  In  Snorre's 
language, 

it  was  agreed  that  the  kings  should  take  the  oath  of 
brotherhood  and  should  maintain  peace  as  long  as 

'  Henry  of  Huntingdon,  Historia  A  nglorum,  1 85 ;  Knytlingasaga, 
c.  16.  The  saga  says  distinctly  that  there  was  to  be  inheritance 
only  if  either  died  without  children. 


11016]  The  Struggle  with  Edmund  Ironside    99 

both  were  on  earth ;  and  that  if  one  of  them  died  son- 
less,  the  survivor  should  inherit  his  realm  and  subjects. 
Twelve  men,  the  most  eminent  of  each  kingdom,  took 
the  oath  with  the  kings  that  this  agreement  should 
be  kept  as  long  as  any  of  them  lived.  ^ 

It  is  possible  that  some  such  qualification  in  favour 
of  male  heirs  was  also  inserted  in  the  Severn 
covenant ;  still,  the  whole  matter  would  have  been 
of  slight  importance  had  the  magnates  on  Ed- 
mund's death  been  in  position  to  insist  on  the 
ancient  principle  and  practice  of  election.  Wit- 
nesses similar  to  those  mentioned  in  the  later 
instance  there  seem  to  have  been  at  Deerhurst; 
for,  after  the  death  of  Edmund,  Canute  summoned 
those  to  testify  before  the  assembly,  "who  had 
been  witnesses  between  him  and  Edmimd"  when 
the  agreement  was  made,  as  to  the  details  of  the 
treaty. ' 

The  reign  of  Edmund  as  king  of  Wessex  was 
destined  to  be  brief.  The  covenant  of  Deerhurst 
was  probably  made  in  the  early  days  of  November 
(it  coiild  scarcely  have  been  earlier,  as  the  battle 
of  Ashington  was  fought  on  October  18)  and 
by  the  close  of  the  month  (November  30)  he 
was  dead.  Florence  of  Worcester  tells  us  that  he 
died  in  London,  which  is  improbable,  as  it  seems 
strange  that  he  should  have  ventured  into  the 
stronghold  of  his  late  enemy.    Other  writers  give 

'  Saga  of  Magnus  the  Good,  c.  6. 

»  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  179. 


100  Canute  the  Great  [1016] 

Oxford  as  the  place,  which  also  seems  unlikely,  if 
Eadric,  who  apparently  resided  at  Oxford,*  had 
played  the  traitor's  part  at  Ashington.  It  seems 
clear  that  these  writers  have  placed  Edmund's 
death  at  Oxford  because  they  believed  that 
Eadric  was  in  some  way  the  author  of  it.' 

For  so  opportunely  did  the  end  come,  that  the 
suggestion  of  foul  play  was  inevitable,  and  coarse 
tales  were  invented  to  account  for  the  manner 
of  death.  There  is,  however,  not  the  least  hint 
in  any  contemporary  source  that  Canute  was  in 
any  way  guilty  of  his  rival's  untimely  decease. 
The  simple-minded  Encomiast  again  sees  an 
illustration  of  Providential  mercy: 

But  God,  remembering  his  teaching  of  olden  time, 
that  a  kingdom  divided  against  itself  cannot  long 
endure,  very  soon  afterwards  led  Edmund's  spirit 
forth  from  the  body,  having  compassion  on  the  realm 
of  the  English,  lest  if,  perchance,  both  should  con- 
tinue among  the  living,  neither  should  reign  sectirely, 
and  the  kingdom  be  daily  annihilated  by  renewed 
contention.  3 

It  is  diiiiciilt  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  Edmund 
Ironside,  as  our  information  is  neither  extensive 
nor  varied.  It  is  possible  that  he  was  bom  of  a 
connection    that    the    Church    had  not  blessed; 

'  Sigeferth  and  Morcar  were  slain  in  Eadric's  house  at  the 
Oxford  gemot.     {Anglo-Saxon   Chronicle,    1015.) 

»  See  Freeman  {Norman  Conquest,  i.,  Note  xx)  whose  argument 
seems  conclusive. 

3  Encomium  Emma,  ii.,  c.  14. 


[1016]  The  Struggle  with  Edmund  Ironside  loi 

at  least  such  seems  to  have  been  the  belief  when 
William  of  Malmesbury  wrote.'  A  late  writer 
tells  us  that  his  mother  was  the  daughter  of  Earl 
Thoretus';  an  earl  by  such  a  name  actually  did 
flourish  in  the  closing  decade  of  the  tenth  century ; 
he  was  one  of  the  chiefs  to  whom  Ethelred  en- 
trusted his  fleet  in  992.  From  his  name  we  should 
judge  that  he  was  of  Norse  ancestry.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  as  to  Edmimd's  bravery  on  the 
battle-field;  perhaps  he  was  also  in  possession  of 
some  talent  in  the  way  of  generalship.  But  on 
the  whole,  his  military  exploits  have  been  exag- 
gerated :  we  know  them  chiefly  from  an  ecclesiastic 
who  was  doubtless  honest,  but  warmly  patriotic 
and  strongly  partisan;  it  was  natural  for  him  to 
magnify  skirmishes  into  battles.  Edmund  was 
the  victor  in  several  important  engagements,  but 
in  no  great  battle.  There  was  no  heavy  fighting 
at  Penselwood;  Sherstone  was  at  best  a  drawn 
battle;  Brentford  and  Otford  seem  to  have  been 
partly  successful  attacks  on  the  rear  of  a  retreating 
foe;  Ashington  was  a  decisive  defeat.  We  cannot 
tell  what  sort  of  a  king  he  might  have  become 
but  the  glimpses  that  we  get  of  his  character  are 
not  reassuring.  We  get  sight  of  him  first  about 
1006  when  he  sought  to  come  into  possession  of 

'  Gesta  Regum,  i.,  213-214.  The  author  merely  tells  us  that 
Edmund's  mother  was  of  ignoble  birth ;  but  a  woman  of  low  degree 
would  scarcely  be  made  queen  of  England. 

'  Ethelred  of  Rievaux,  See  Freeman,  Norman  Conquest,  i., 
Note  ss. 


102  Canute  the  Great  noiei 

an  estate  in  Somerset:  "and  the  monastic  house- 
hold dared  not  refuse  him,"''  His  rebellious 
behaviour  in  the  Danelaw,  his  raid  into  English 
Mercia,  give  little  promise  of  future  statesman- 
ship. Edmund  Ironside  "was  an  English  viking, 
passionate,  brave,  impulsive,  but  imruly  and 
uncontrollable. 

When  the  year  closed  there  was  no  question 
who  should  be  the  future  ruler  of  England.  Fate 
had  been  kind  to  Canute;  still,  the  outcome  must 
be  ascribed  chiefly  to  the  persistent  activity  of 
the  invader.  But  while  the  name  of  the  young 
King  is  necessarily  made  prominent  in  the  narra- 
tive, we  should  not  forget  that  he  was  siurounded 
and  assisted  by  a  group  of  captains  who  probably 
had  no  superiors  in  Europe  at  the  time.  There 
was  the  tall  and  stately  Thurkil  with  the  experi- 
ence of  morei  than  thirty  years  as  a  viking  chief; 
the  resourceful  Eric  with  a  brilliant  record  as  a 
successfiil  general;  the  impetuous  and  volcanic 
Ulf ;  doubtless  also  Ulf's  brother,  Eglaf  the  Jom- 
viking.  These  were  the  men  who  helped  most  to 
win  the  land  for  the  Danish  dynasty;  they  also 
formed  Canute's  chief  reliance  in  the  critical 
years  following  the  conquest. 

The  gain  in  Britain  was,  however,  in  a  measure 
counterbalanced  by  the  loss  of  Norway  in  the 
same  year,  though  in  this  Canute  was  not  directly 
interested  at  the  time.  After  the  battle  of  the 
Nesses,  King  Olaf  sailed  north  to  Nidaros  (Thrond- 

'  Kemble,  Codex  Diplomaticus,  No.  1302. 


4°    Longitude  West  from  Greenwich     2  ^ 


0°  Longitude  Ea«t 


noi6l  The  Struggle  with  Edmund  Ironside  103 

hjem)  where  he  now  received  unquestioned 
allegiance.  He  rebuilt  the  city  and  made  it  the 
capital  of  his  kingdom.  The  ruined  Church  of 
Saint  Clemens,  the  patron  saint  of  all  seafaring 
men,  was  raised  again  and  became  in  a  sense  the 
mother  church  of  Norse  Christianity.  Without 
delay  he  began  his  great  work  as  legislator,  or- 
ganiser, and  missionary,  a  work  of  enduring  quali- 
ties. But  Canute  did  not  forget  that  in  this  way 
his  dynasty  was  robbed  of  one  of  its  eariiest  posses- 
sions outside  the  Dane-lands.  A  clash  between 
the  great  rivals  was  inevitable.  For  the  present, 
however,  Olaf's  throne  was  safe;  there  was  much 
to  do  before  Canute  could  seriously  think  of 
proceeding  against  his  virile  opponent,  and  more 
than  a  decade  passed  before  the  young  King  of 
England  could  summon  his  chiefs  and  magnates 
into  solemn  imperial  councils  in  the  new  capital  of 
Nidaros. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  RULE  OF  THE  DANES  IN  ENGLAND 

loi 7-1020 

FOR  eight  months  after  the  death  of  Ethelred 
there  was  no  king  of  England.  Neither 
Edmund  nor  Canute  had  an  incontestable  claim 
to  the  royal  title,  as  neither  had  been  chosen  by  a 
properly  constituted  national  assembly.  There 
is  some  evidence  that  Edmund  was  crowned, 
perhaps  in  May,  1016^;  but  even  consecration 
could  hardly  remove  the  defect  in  the  elective 
title.  And  after  the  agreement  of  Olney,  there 
was,  for  a  few  weeks,  no  English  kingdom.  But, 
in  December,  it  was  possible  once  more  to  reunite 
the  distracted  land.  In  the  North  of  England 
there  was  no  vacant  kingship;  only  Wessex  and 
East  Anglia  needed  a  ruler.  As  the  latter  region 
possessed  a  strong  Scandinavian  element  that 
might  be  depended  upon  to  declare  for  Canute, 
the  only  doubtful  factor  in  the  situation  was  the 

'  The  evidence  is  late  and  not  of  the  best;  the  earliest  authority 
to  mention  it  is  Ralph  de  Diceto  who  lived  a  century  and  a  half 
later.     But  see  Freeman,  Norman  Conquest,  i.,  Note  tt. 

104 


[1017-1020]   Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England   105 

attitude  of  the  nobility  south  of  the  Thames. 
Wessex,  however,  had  more  than  once  showed  a 
desire  to  give  up  the  struggle:  the  old  spirit  of 
independence  was  apparently  crushed.  London, 
the  great  rallying  point  of  the  national  party,  was 
in  Canute's  hands.  Beyond  the  Thames  were  the 
camps  of  the  dreaded  host  that  had  come  from 
the  North  the  year  before.  The  Danish  fleet  still 
sailed  the  British  seas.  No  trusted  leader  ap- 
peared to  take  up  the  fight  for  the  house  of  Alfred ; 
Ethelred's  many  sons  seem  nearly  all  to  have 
perished,  and  only  children  or  princes  of  doubtful 
ability  remained  as  possible  candidates  for  the 
kingship.  In  addition  there  was  no  doubt  a 
feeling  that  England  should  be  one  realm.  The 
accession  of  Canute  was  therefore  inevitable. 

The  Dane  evidently  realised  the  strength  of  his 
position.  There  was  consequently  little  need  of 
hasty  action;  it  was  clearly  best  to  observe  con- 
stitutional forms  and  to  give  the  representatives 
of  the  nation  ample  time  to  act.  It  was  a  North- 
em  as  well  as  a  Saxon  custom  to  celebrate  the 
Yule-tide  with  elaborate  and  extended  festivities; 
and  there  was  every  reason  why  Canute  and  his 
warriors  in  London  should  plan  to  make  this  year's 
celebration  a  memorable  event.  To  these  festivi- 
ties, Canute  evidently  invited  the  magnates  of 
England ;  for  we  learn  that  a  midwinter  gemot  was 
held  in  London,  at  which  the  Danish  pretender  re- 
ceived universal  recognition  as  king  of  all  England.  * 

'  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  179. 


io6  Canute  the  Great  [1017- 

To  say  that  this  assembly  elected  a  king  would 
be  incorrect ;  Canute  gave  the  lords  no  opportunity 
to  make  an  election.  In  a  shrewd  fashion  he 
brought  out  the  real  or  pretended  fact  that  in  the 
agreement  of  Deerhurst  it  was  stipulated  that  the 
survivor  should  possess  both  crowns.  Those  who 
had  witnessed  the  treaty  were  called  on  to  state 
what  had  been  said  in  the  conference  concerning 
Edmimd's  sons  and  brothers;  whether  any  of 
them  might  be  permitted  to  rule  in  England  if 
Edmund  should  die  first.  They  testified  that  they 
had  sure  knowledge  that  no  authority  was  left 
to  Edmimd's  brothers,  and  that  Canute  was  to 
have  the  guardianship  of  Edmund's  young  sons 
until  they  were  of  sufficient  age  to  claim  the  king- 
ship. Florence  of  Worcester  beHeves  that  the 
witnesses  were  bribed  by  Canute  and  perjured 
themselves  grossly ;  but  the  probabilities  are  ^that 
their  statement  was  accurate.  Canute's  object 
in  submitting  the  problem  of  the  succession  in  the 
South  to  the  witan  seems  to  have  been,  not  exactly 
to  secure  his  own  election,  but  rather  to  obtain  the 
highest  possible  sanction  for  the  agreement  with 
Edmund. 

To  the  Northern  mind  the  expedient  adopted 
was  both  legal  and  proper.  We  know  very  little 
about  the  constitutional  framework  and  principles 
of  the  Scandinavian  monarchies  at  this  period; 
but,  so  far  as  we  can  discern,  the  elective  principle 
played  an  incidental  part  only ;  the  succession  was 
in   fact   hereditary.    To   the   Anglo-Saxons   the 


1020]       Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England       107 

whole  must  have  resolved  itself  into  finding  some 
legal  form  for  surrender  and  submission.  Oaths 
were  taken  and  loyalty  was  pledged.  Once  more 
the  Saxon  began  to  enjoy  real  peace  and  security. 
At  the  same  time,  all  the  rejoicing  can  scarcely 
have  been  genuine ;  for  English  pride  had  received 
a  wound  that  for  some  years  refused  to  heal.  It 
must  also  be  said  that  the  opening  years  of  the 
new  reign  were  not  of  such  a  character  as  to  win 
the  affections  of  unwilling  subjects. 

The  task  that  the  young  monarch  undertook 
in  the  early  months  of  10 17  was  one  of  peculiar 
difficulty.  It  must  be  remembered  that  his  only 
right  was  that  of  the  sword.  Important,  too,  is 
the  fact  that  at  the  time  England  was  his  only 
kingdom.  As  a  landless  prince,  he  had  crossed  the 
sea,  landless  except  for  possible  rights  in  Norway; 
had  led  with  him  a  host  of  adventurers  most  of 
whom  were  probably  heathen;  had  wrested  large 
areas  from  the  native  line  of  English  Kings; 
and  now  he  was  in  possession  of  the  entire 
kingdom. 

Something  of  a  like  nature  occurred  in  1066, 
when  William  of  Normandy  conquered  England; 
but  there  are  also  notable  differences.  William 
was  the  lord  of  a  vigorous  duchy  across  the  narrow 
Channel,  in  which  he  had  a  storehouse  of  energy 
that  was  always  at  his  disposal.  Young  Canute 
had  no  such  advantages.  Before  he  was  definitely 
recognised  as  king  in  the  Danelaw,  he  had  no 
territorial  possessions  from  which  to  recruit  and 


io8  Canute  the  Great  tioi7- 

provision  his  armies.  Not  till  1019  did  he  unite 
the  crowns  of  England  and  Denmark. 

Historians  generally  have  appeared  to  believe 
that  in  governing  his  English  kingdom,  Canute 
pursued  a  conscious  and  well-defined  course  of 
action,  a  line  of  political  purposes  originating 
early  in  his  reign.  He  is  credited  with  the  purpose 
of  making  England  the  central  kingdom  of  an 
Anglo-Scandinavian  empire,  of  governing  this 
kingdom  with  the  aid  of  Englishmen  in  preference 
to  that  of  his  own  countrymen,  of  aiming  to  rule 
England  as  a  king  of  the  Saxon  type.  It  is  true 
that  before  the  close  of  his  reign  Canute  made 
large  use  of  native  chiefs  in  the  administration  of 
the  monarchy;  but  such  was  not  the  case  in  the 
earlier  years.  There  were  no  prospects  of  empire 
in  10 1 7  and  1018:  his  brother  Harold  still  ruled  in 
Denmark;  the  Norsemen  were  still  loyal  to  the 
vigorous  Olaf .  And  at  no  time  did  the  kingdoms 
that  he  added  later  consider  themselves  as  stand- 
ing in  a  vassal  relation  to  the  English  state.  In 
Canute's  initial  years,  we  find  no  striving  after 
good  government,  no  dreams  of  imperial  power. 
During  these  years  his  chief  purpose  was  to  secure 
the  permanence  and  the  stability  of  his  new  title 
and  throne. 

Nor  should  we  expect  any  clear  and  definite 
policy  in  the  rule  of  a  king  who  was  still  inexperi- 
enced in  dealing  with  the  English  constitution. 
At  the  time  of  his  accession,  Canute  is  thought 
to  have  been  twenty-one  or  twenty-two   years 


1020]         Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England     109 

old.  *  Younger  he  coiild  scarcely  have  been,  nor  is 
it  likely  that  he  was  very  much  older.  Ottar  the 
Swart  in  the  Canute's  Praise  is  emphatic  on  the 
point  that  Canute  was  unusually  young  for  a 
successful  conqueror:  "Thou  wast  of  no  great  age 
when  thou  didst  put  forth  in  thy  ship;  never 
younger  king  set  out  from  home."'  As  Ottar's 
other  patron,  Olaf  the  Stout,  was  only  twelve 
when  he  began  his  career  as  a  viking,  we  should 
hardly  expect  the  poet  to  call  attention  to  Canute's 
youth  if  he  had  already  reached  manhood  when 
he  accompanied  his  father  to  England.  The 
probabilities  favour  995  as  the  year  of  his  birth; 
if  the  date  be  correct  he  would  be  about  seventeen 
in  1012,  when  the  invasion  was  being  planned, 
nineteen  at  the  death  of  his  father  in  10 14;  and 
twenty-one  (or  twenty-two,  as  it  was  late  in  the 
year)  when  he  became  king  of  all  England.  But 
whatever  his  age,  he  was  young  in  training  for 
government.  So  far  as  we  know,  he  could  have 
had  but  little  experience  as  a  ruler  before  the 
autumn  of  1016,  when  the  battle  of  Ashington 
secured  his  position  in  England.  His  training  had 
been  for  the  career  of  a  viking,  a  training  that 
promised  little  for  the  future. 

It  seems,  therefore,  a  safe  assumption  that  in 
shaping  his  policy  the  King's  decision  would  be 

'  Steenstrup  places  his  age  at  twenty-two  (Dantnarks  Riges 
Historic,  i.,  385).  Munch  thinks  that  he  was  several  years  older. 
(Det  norske  Folks  Historic,  I.,  ii.,  126-127). 

'  Corpus  Poeticutn  Borcale,  ii.,  155.     (Vigfusson's  translation.) 


no  Canute  the  Great  11017- 

influenced  to  a  large  degree  by  the  advice  of 
trusted  counsellors.  In  the  first  year  of  Canute's 
reign,  there  stood  about  the  throne  three  prom- 
inent leaders,  three  military  chiefs,  to  whom  in 
great  measure  the  King  owed  his  crown.  There 
was  the  sly  and  jealous  Eadric  the  Mercian,  a  man 
with  varied  experience  in  many  fields,  but  for 
obvious  reasons  he  did  not  enjoy  the  royal  confid- 
ence. Closer  to  the  King  stood  Eric,  for  fifteen 
years  earl  and  viceroy  in  Norway,  now  the  ruler 
of  Northumbria.  Eric  was  a  man  of  a  nobler 
character  than  was  common  among  men  of  the 
viking  type;  but  he  can  have  known  very  little 
of  English  affairs,  and  for  this  reason,  perhaps, 
Canute  passed  his  kinsman  by  and  gave  his  confid- 
ence to  the  lordly  viking,  Thurkil  the  Tall.  For 
a  stay  of  nearly  ten  years  in  England  as  viking 
invader,  as  chief  of  Ethelred's  mercenaries,  and  as 
Canute's  chief  assistant  in  his  campaign  against  the 
EngHsh,  had  surely  given  Thurkil  a  wide  acquaint- 
ance among  the  magnates  of  the  land  and  consider- 
able insight  kito  English  affairs. 

Whatever  the  reason  for  the  King's  choice,  we 
seem  to  have  evidence  sufficient  to  allow  the 
conclusion  that  for  some  years  Thurkil  held  a 
position  in  the  kingdom  second  only  to  that  of  the 
King  himself.  Wherever  his  name  appears  in 
Canute's  charters  among  the  earls  who  witness 
royal  grants,  it  holds  first  place.  In  a  royal 
proclamation  that  was  issued  in  1020,  he  seems  to 
act  on  the  King's  behalf  in  the  general  administra- 


1020]        Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England      iii 

tion  of  justice,  whenever  royal  interference  should 
become  necessary: 

Should  any  one  prove  so  rash,  clerk  or  layman, 
Dane  or  Angle,  as  to  violate  the  laws  of  the  Church  or 
the  rights  of  my  kingship  or  any  secular  statute,  and 
refuse  to  do  penance  according  to  the  instruction  of 
my  bishops,  or  to  desist  from  his  evil,  then  I  request 
Thurkil  the  Earl,  yea,  even  command  him,  to  bend 
the  offender  to  right,  if  he  is  able  to  do  so.  * 

In  case  the  Earl  is  unable  to  manage  the  business 
alone,  Canute  promises  to  assist.  There  is  some- 
thing in  this  procedure  that  reminds  one  of  the 
later  Norman  official,  the  justiciar,  who  was  chief 
of  the  administrative  forces  when  the  King  was  in 
England  and  governed  as  the  King's  lieutenant 
when  the  ruler  was  abroad.  That  Thurkil's 
dignity  was  not  a  new  creation  at  the  time  of  the 
proclamation  is  evident  from  the  preamble,  in 
which  Canute  sends  "greetings  to  his  archbishops 
and  bishops  and  Thurkil  earl  and  all  his  earls  and 
all  his  subjects."  The  language  of  the  preamble 
also  suggests  that  Thurkil  may  have  acted  as  the 
King's  deputy  during  Canute's  absence  in  Den- 
mark. It  is  further  to  be  noted  that  of  all  the 
magnates  he  alone  is  mentioned  by  name.  In  the 
account  of  the  dedication  of  the  church  at  Ashing- 
ton  later  in  the  same  year,  Thurkil  is  again  given 
prominent  mention.  In  this  instance  general  re- 
ference is  made  to  a  number  of  important  officials, 

*  Liebermann,  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  i.,  274. 


112  Canute  the  Great  tioi7- 

but  Earl  Thurkil  and  Archbishop  Wulfstan  are 
the  only  ones  that  the  Chronicler  mentions  by- 
name. *  It  is  evident  that  the  English,  too,  were 
impressed  by  the  eminence  of  the  tall  earl. 

The  first  and  the  most  difficult  problem  that 
Canute  and  Thurkil  had  to  solve  was  how  to 
establish  the  throne  among  an  unfriendly  people; 
for  the  conquered  Saxons  cannot  have  regarded 
the  Danish  usurper  with  much  affection.  It  is 
generally  believed  that  Canute  took  up  his  resid- 
ence in  the  old  capital  city  of  Winchester,  though 
we  do  not  know  at  what  time  this  came  to  be  the 
recognised  residential  town.  It  may  be  true,  as  is 
so  often  asserted,  that  Canute  continued,  even 
after  other  lands  had  been  added  to  his  dominions, 
to  make  England  his  home  from  personal  choice; 
but  it  may  also  be  true  that  he  believed  his  pres- 
ence necessary  to  hold  Wessex  in  subjection. 
The  revolutionary  movements  that  came  to  the 
surface  during  the  first  few  years  of  his  reign  had 
probably  much  to  do  with  determining  Canute's 
policies  in  these  directions.  It  is  a  fact  of  great 
significance  that  during  the  first  decade  of  his  rule 
in  England  he  was  absent  from  the  island  twice 
only,  so  far  as  we  know,  and  then  during  the  winter 
months,  when  the  chances  of  a  successfiil  uprising 
were  most  remote.  ^ 

'  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1020. 

*  The  first  recorded  absence  was  in  the  winter  of  1019  and  1020; 
Canute  returned  in  time  for  the  Easter  festivities.  The  Chron- 
icler tells  of  another  return  from  Denmark  in  1023;  as  this  return 


1020]         Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England       113 

Like  the  later  William,  Canute  had  his  chiefs 
and  followers  to  reward,  and  the  process  of  pay- 
ment could  not  be  long  delayed.  The  rewards 
took  the  form  of  actual  wages,  paid  from  new 
levies  of  Danegeld ;  confiscated  lands,  of  which  we 
do  not  hear  very  much,  though  seizure  of  land  was 
doubtless  not  unknown,  as  it  was  not  a  Scandina- 
vian custom  to  respect  the  property  of  an  enemy; 
also  official  positions,  especially  the  earl's  office 
and  dignity,  which  was  reserved  for  the  chiefs 
who  had  given  the  most  effective  aid.  The 
payment  of  Danegeld  was  an  old  story  in  English 
history  and  the  end  was  not  yet.  When  we 
consider  the  really  vast  tribute  that  was  levied 
from  time  to  time  and  the  great  value  of  the 
precious  metals  in  the  Middle  Ages,  it  becomes 
clear  that  many  of  the  vikings  who  operated  in 
England  must  have  become  relatively  wealthy 
men.  A  large  number  evidently  served  in  succes- 
sive hosts  and  expeditions.  A  Swedish  runic 
monument  found  in  Uppland  (the  region  north  of 
Stockholm)  relates  that  one  Ulf  shared  three  times 
in  the  distribution  of  Danegeld: 

But  Ulf  has  in  England  thrice  taken  "geld,"  the  first 
time  Tosti  paid  him,  then  Thurkil,  and  then  Canute 
paid.  ^ 

was  earlier  than  the  translation  of  Saint  Alphege  in  June,  the 
absence  must  have  been  during  the  winter  months.  See  the 
Chronicle  for  these  years. 

'  Von  Friesen,  Historiska  Runinskrifter  (Fomvannen,  1909), 
58.     Von  Friesen  suggests  that  the  chief  Tosti  who  paid  the  first 

8 


114  Canute  the  Great  rioi7- 

Ulf  was  evidentl}'^  one  of  the  vikings  who  composed 
Thurkil's  invading  force  and  finally  passed  with 
their  chief  into  Canute's  service. 

The  earl's  office  was  ancient  in  Scandinavia 
and  counted  very  desirable.  It  did  not  quite 
correspond  to  that  of  the  English  ealdorman,  as  it 
usually  impUed  a  larger  administrative  area,  a 
greater  independence,  and  a  higher  social  rank  for 
the  official  thus  honoiired.  The  office  was  not 
new  in  England;  for  more  than  a  century  it  had 
flourished  in  the  Danelaw.  In  Ethelred's  time 
such  magnates  as  Uhtred  in  Northimibria  and 
Ulfketel  in  East  Anglia  were  earls  rather  than 
ealdormen. 

The  first  recorded  act  of  the  new  sovereign  was 
the  division  of  the  kingdom  into  four  great  earl- 
doms. Much  has  been  made  of  this  act  in  the 
past;  the  importance  of  the  measure  has  been 
over-rated;  the  purpose  of  the  King  has  been 
misunderstood.  The  act  has  been  characterised 
as  the  culmination  of  a  certain  tendency  in  English 
constitutional  development;  as  the  expression  of 
self-distrust  on  the  part  of  the  monarch ;  and  much 
more.  It  seems,  however,  that  Canute  at  this 
time  did  little  more  than  to  recognise  the  status 
quo.  England  was  during  the  later  years  of 
Ethelred's  reign  virtually  divided  into  four  great 

geld  may  have  been  Skogul-Tosti,  the  father  of  Sigrid  the 
Haughty  (pp.  71-72).  For  other  monuments  alluding  to  the 
Danegeld,  see  ibid.,  58,  74-75;  Montelius,  Kulturgeschichte  Schwed- 
ens,  267:  the  Osseby  Stone. 


1020]        Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England      115 

jurisdictions,  three  of  which,  Northumbria,  Mer- 
cia,  and  East  Anglia,  were  governed  by  the  King's 
sons-in-law,  Uhtred,  Eadric,  and  Ulfketel.  How 
much  authority  was  assigned  to  each  cannot  be 
determined;  but  practically  the  earls  must  have 
enjoyed  a  large  measure  of  independence.  In  the 
fight  against  the  Danes,  Uhtred  seems  to  have 
taken  but  small  part ;  Ulfketel  comes  into  promin- 
ence only  when  East  Anglia  is  directly  attacked. 

This  arrangement,  which  was  not  accidental  but 
historic,  Canute  had  accepted  before  the  reputed 
provincial  division  of  1017.  Eadric  had  long  been 
a  power  in  parts  of  Mercia;  any  attempt  to  dis- 
lodge him  at  so  early  a  moment  would  have  been 
exceedingly  impolitic.  Eric  was  already  earl  of 
Northumbria,  having  succeeded  the  imfortunate 
Uhtred,  perhaps  in  the  spring  of  1016.  It  is  only 
natural  that  Canute  should  reserve  the  rule  of 
Wessex  to  himself,  at  least  for  a  time.  Provision 
naturally  had  to  be  made  for  Thurkil;  and  as  the 
earl  of  East  Anglia  had  fallen  at  Ashington,  it 
was  convenient  to  fill  the  vacancy  and  honour  the 
old  viking  at  the  same  time.  ^ 

It  seems  never  to  have  been  Canute's  policy  to 
keep  England  permanently  divided  into  four  great 
provinces;  what  evidence  we  have  points  to  a 
wholly  different  purpose.     During  the  first  decade 

*  The  atatement  of  the  Chronicle  (1017)  that  he  divided  Eng- 
land into  four  parts  may  imply  that  some  sort  of  sanction  was 
sought  from  the  witan;  but  such  an  act  would  merely  recognise 
accomplished  facts. 


ii6  Canute  the  Great  [ioi7- 

of  the  new  reign,  fifteen  earls  appear  in  the  charters 
as  witnesses  or  otherwise.  Three  of  these  may, 
however,  have  been  visiting  magnates  from  else- 
where in  the  King's  dominions,  and  in  one  instance 
we  may  have  a  scribal  error.  There  remain,  then, 
the  names  of  eleven  lords  who  seem  to  have 
enjoyed  the  earl's  dignity  during  this  period.  Of 
these  eleven  names,  seven  are  Scandinavian  and 
four  Anglo-Saxon;  but  of  the  latter  group  only  one 
appears  with  any  decided  permanence.  ^ 

Thurkil,  while  he  was  still  in  England,  headed  the 
list.  Thurkil  was  a  Dane  of  noble  birth,  the  son 
of  Harold  who  was  earl  in  Scania.  He  was  a 
typical  viking,  tall,  strong,  and  valorous,  and  must 
have  been  a  masterly  man,  one  in  whom  warriors 
readily  recognised  the  qualities  of  chieftainship. 
He  had  part  in  the  ill-fated  expedition  that  ended 
in  the  crushing  defeat  of  Hjorunga  Bay.  He  also 
fought  at  Swald,  where  he  is  said  to  have  served 
on  the  ship  of  his  former  enemy,  Eric  the  Earl.  * 
In  1009  he  transferred  his  activities  to  England  and 
from  that  year  he  remained  almost  continuously  on 
the  island  till  his  death  about  fifteen  years  later. 

The  old  viking  had  several  claims  on  the  King's 
gratitude.  Had  he  not  deserted  Ethelred  at  such 
an  opportune  moment,  Canute  might  never  have 
won  the  English  crown.  The  statement  of  the 
sagas  that  Thurkil  was  Canute's  foster-father  has 

'  For  the  evidence  see  the  author's  paper  in  American  Historical 
Review,  xv.,  725. 

'  Munch,  Det  norske  Folks  Historic,  I.,  ii.,  392.  • 


1020]        Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England     117 

been  refe  red  to  elsewhere.  The  foster-relation- 
ship, if  the  sagas  are  correct,  would  not  only  help 
to  explain  how  Thurkil  came  to  hold  such  eminent 
positions  in  Canute's  English  and  Danish  king- 
doms, but  may  also  account  for  the  confidence  that 
Canute  reposed  in  Thurkil's  son  Harold,  who  may 
have  been  the  King's  foster-brother.  The  battles 
of  Sherstone  and  Ashington  no  doubt  also  had  a 
share  in  securing  pre-eminence  for  the  tall  pirate. 
Sherstone,  says  the  Encomiast,  gained  for  Thurkil 
a  large  share  of  the  fatherland.^  He  is  promin- 
ently mentioned  as  one  of  those  most  eager  to 
fight  at  Ashington,  especially  after  it  was  reported 
that  the  raven  had  appeared  with  proper  gestures 
on  the  Danish  banner. ' 

In  his  old  age  Thurkil  married  an  Englishwoman, 
Edith,  probably  one  of  Ethelred's  daughters,  the 
widow  of  Earl  Eadric.^  He  ruled  as  English 
earl  from  10 17  to  102 1.  After  Canute's  return 
from  Denmark  in  1020,  some  misunderstanding 
seems  to  have  arisen  between  him  and  the  old  war- 
chief ;  for  toward  the  close  of  the  next  year  Thur- 
kil was  exiled.  The  cause  for  this  is  not  known ; 
perhaps    Canute    feared    his    growing    influence, 

*  Encomium  EmmcB,  ii.,  c.  7. 

*  Ibid.,  ii.,  c.  9. 

»  Florence  tells  us  that  Thurkil's  wife  bore  the  name  Edith 
{Chronicon,  i.,  183).  The  Jomsvikingasaga  (c.  52)  has  Thurkil 
marry  Ethelred's  daughter  Ulfhild,  Ulfketel's  widow.  However, 
Ethelred  had  a  daughter  Edith  who  was  married  to  Eadric. 
(Florence,  Chronicon,  i.,  161.)  For  a  discussion  of  the  subject 
see  Freeman,  Norman  Conquest,  i.,  Notes  rm  and  ss. 


Ii8  Canute  the  Great  "oi7- 

especially  after  his  marriage  to  the  former  King's 
daughter.  A  reconciliation  was  brought  about  a 
year  later;  but  for  some  reason  the  King  preferred 
to  leave  him  as  his  lieutenant  in  Denmark,  and  he 
was  never  restored  to  his  English  dignities. 

Eric,  Earl  of  Northtmibria,  governed  this  region 
from  I0l6  to  1023.  He  seems  to  have  been  Earl 
Hakon's  oldest  son,  and  is  said  to  have  been  of 
bastard  birth,  the  son  of  a  low-bom  woman,  who 
had  attracted  the  Earl  in  his  younger  years.  He 
grew  up  to  be  extremely  handsome  and  clever, 
•but  never  enjoyed  his  father's  good- will.  ^  The 
circimistances  of  Eric's  promotion  to  the  Northern 
earldom  have  been  discussed  in  an  earlier  chapter. 
As  the  Scandinavian  colonies  north  of  the  Humber 
were  Norwegian  rather  than  Danish,  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  Norse  ruler  was  doubtless  a  popular  act. 

Eadric  was  allowed  to  continue  as  governor  of 
Mercia.  Whether  all  the  old  Mercian  region 
made  one  earldom  is  uncertain;  most  likely  it  did 
not  extend  to  the  western  limits,  as  several  smaller 
earldoms  appear  to  have  been  located  along  the 
Welsh  border.  For  one  year  only  was  Eadric 
the  Grasper  permitted  to  enjoy  his  dignities;  at 
the  first  opportunity  Canute  deprived  him  not  only 
of  honours  but  of  life. 

Eglaf,  Thurkil's  old  companion  in  arms,  seems 
to  have  been  given  territories  to  rule  in  the  lower 
Severn  Valley.*    Eglaf  was  one  of  the  leaders  in 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Earl  Hakon,  c.  3. 
'American  Historical  Review,  xv.,  727 . 


1020]         Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England      119 

the  great  expedition  of  1009.  He  was  evidently 
one  of  those  who  entered  Ethelred's  service  when 
peace  was  made;  but  during  the  closing  years  of 
the  conflict,  he  was  doubtless  fighting  for  Canute. 
He  was  consequently  one  of  the  chiefs  who  might 
claim  a  particular  reward.  He  was  also  of  high 
lineage,  the  son  of  a  powerful  Danish  chief, 
Thorgils  Sprakaleg,  and  the  brother  of  Ulf,  who 
was  married  to  Canute's  sister  Estrid. 

In  the  Worcester  country  an  Earl  Hakon  was 
placed  in  control.  He  was  evidently  Eric's  son 
and  Canute's  nephew,  the  young  Hakon  whom 
King  Olaf  drove  out  of  Norway  in  the  autumn  of 
10 1 5.  The  youthful  earl  (he  was  probably  not 
more  than  twenty  years  old  in  10 17,  perhaps  even 
younger)  is  described  as  an  exceedingly  handsome 
man  with  "hair  that  was  long  and  fair  like  silk "  ^ ; 
but  warfare  was  evidently  not  to  his  taste.  For  a 
decade  or  more  he  remained  in  Canute's  service 
in  England.  In  1026,  hostilities  broke  out  be- 
tween Norway  and  Denmark;  the  result  was  the 
final  expulsion  of  King  Olaf  and  the  restoration  of 
Hakon  to  his  Norse  vice-royalty.  Soon  after- 
wards he  perished  in  shipwreck. 

Godwin  is  the  first  English  earl  of  importance 
to  appear  among  Canute's  magnates.  From  10 19 
to  the  close  of  the  reign  his  name  appears  in  almost 
every  charter,  and  invariably  as  earl  or  with  some 
corresponding  title.  The  fact  that  Godwin  found 
it  possible  to  be  present  so  frequently  when  grants 

*  Snorre,  Saga  oj  Saint  Olaf,  c.  30. 


120  Canute  the  Great  [ioi7- 

were  to  be  witnessed  would  indicate  that  he  could 
not  have  been  located  far  away  from  the  local 
court;  perhaps  he  was  closely  attached  to  it. 
Though  his  ancestry  is  a  matter  of  doubt,  he  was 
probably  not  connected  with  the  Old  English 
aristocracy.  This  defect  Canute  remedied  by 
giving  him  a  noble  Danish  woman  of  his  own 
household  for  wife.*  Godwin  was  consequently 
closely  associated  with  the  new  dynasty. 

Of  the  remaining  magnates,  Ethelwerd,  Leof- 
wine,  Godric,  Ulf ,  and  Ranig,  little  is  really  known. 
Ethelwerd  seems  to  have  had  some  authority  in 
the  extreme  Southwest.  Ranig's  earldom  was  the 
modem  shire  of  Hereford.  There  is  nothing  to 
indicate  what  territories  were  controlled  by 
Godric  and  Ulf.  Leofwine  probably  succeeded  to 
Eadric's  position  as  chief  ruler  in  Mercia.  In  the 
list  we  should  probably  include  Eadulf  Cudel 
who  seems  to  have  succeeded  to  some  power 
north  of  the  Tees  after  the  murder  of  his  brother 
Uhtred*;  but  whether  he  was  under  the  lordship 
of  Eric  or  held  directly  from  Canute  cannot  be 
known. 

These  were  the  men  with  whom  Canute  shared 
his  authority  during  the  first  ten  years  of  his  reign. 
It  will  be  seen  that  the  more  important  places  in 
the  local  government  were  given  to  Danes  and 
Northmen.     So   far   as   we   know,    only   two   of 

*,She   was  sister  of  the  earls   Ulf  and  Eglaf.      Her  Danish 
name  was  Gytha,  which  the  Saxons  changed  to  Edith. 
*  Simeon  of  Durham,  Opera  Omnia,  ii.,  197. 


1020]        Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England     121 

Ethelred's  ealdormen  were  retained  in  their  offices  ^ ; 
of  these  the  one  soon  suffered  exile,  while  the 
other  appears  to  have  played  but  a  small  part  in 
the  councils  of  Canute.  Two  appointments  were 
made  from  the  native  population,  those  of  Godwin 
and  Leofwine.  In  the  case  of  Godwin  it  is  to  be 
observed  that  he  was  bound  to  the  new  dynasty 
by  the  noble  ties  of  marriage.  As  to  Leofwine's 
ancestry  we  are  not  informed ;  but  there  are  indica- 
tions that  some  of  his  forefathers  may  have  been 
Northmen.  ^ 

The  more  prominent  of  Canute's  earls  were 
drawn  from  three  illustrious  families  in  the  North, 
one  Norwegian  and  two  Danish.  Thurkil's 
descent  from  the  Scanian  earls  has  already  been 
noted.  Eric  and  his  son  Hakon  represented  the 
lordly  race  of  Earl  Hakon  the  Bad.  A  great 
Danish  chief,  Thorgils  Sprakaleg,  had  two  sons 
who  bore  the  earl's  title  in  England,  Ulf  and 
Eglaf,  a  son-in-law,  Godwin,  and  a  few  years 
later  a  nephew,  Siward  the  Strong,  the  lord  of 
Northumbria.  Two  of  these  earls  were  married 
to  sisters  of  Canute:  Eric  to  Gytha,  and  Ulf  to 
Estrid.  Godwin  was  married  to  Canute's  kins- 
woman. Hakon  was  the  King's  nephew.  Thurkil 
was   his    reputed   foster-father.      It   seems   that 

'  Ethel werd  and  Godric.    Ethel werd  was  exiled  in  1020. 

'  Leofwine  had  a  son  named  Northman,  and  it  is  possible  that 
his  father  also  bore  that  name.  See  Freeman,  Norman  Conquest, 
i.,  Note  ccc.  The  occurrence  of  the  name  "Northman"  in  a 
family  living  in  or  near  the  Danelaw  may  indicate  Norse  ancestry. 


122  Canute  the  Great  [ioi7- 

Canute  at  first  had  in  mind  to  establish  in  England 
a  new  aristocracy  of  Scandinavian  origin,  bound  to 
the  throne  by  the  noble  ties  of  kinship  and  marriage. 
To  this  aristocracy  the  North  contributed  noble 
and  vigorous  blood. 

In  the  King's  household,  so  far  as  we  can  learn 
anything  about  it,  we  find  the  same  preference 
for  men  of  Northern  ancestry.  Ordinarily,  the 
thegns  who  witnessed  royal  grants  may  be  taken 
to  have  been  warriors  or  officials  connected  with 
the  royal  court.  The  signatures  of  more  than 
half  of  these  show  names  that  are  unmistakably 
Scandinavian.  Usually,  the  Northmen  sign  before 
their  Saxon  fellows.  The  Old  Norse  language  was 
probably  used  to  a  large  extent  at  court;  at  least 
we  know  that  the  scalds  who  sang  in  praise  of  the 
"greatest  king  under  heaven"  composed  their 
lays  in  Canute's  native  language.* 

The  year  1017,  which  witnessed  the  exaltation 
of  the  foreigners  into  English  officialdom,  also 
beheld  a  series  of  executions  that  still  further 
weakened  the  English  by  removing  their  natural 
leaders.  Most  of  these  are  associated  with  a 
Christmas  gemot,  when  Canute  was  celebrating 
the  first  anniversary  of  his  rule  as  king  of  England. 
Of  the  victims  the  most  famous  was  Eadric,  the 
Earl  of  Mercia.  For  ten  years  he  had  been  a 
power  in  his  region,  though  at  no  time  does   it 

'  For  the  court  poetry  of  the  scalds  see  Vigfusson  and  Powell, 
Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.  Their  verses  have  in  part  come  down 
to  us.     See  below,  pp.  292  ff . 


1020]        Ride  of  the  Danes  in  England      123 

appear  that  his  word  of  honour  or  his  pledge  of 
loyalty  could  have  had  any  value.  In  all  the 
English  sources  he  is  represented  as  endowed  with 
the  instincts  of  treason,  though  the  Encomiast, 
is  careful  to  apply  no  term  stronger  than  turncoat. 
At  the  same  time,  it  is  clear  that  Eadric  the 
Grasper  was  a  man  of  real  abilities ;  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  he  held  allegiance  lightly,  he  seems  to 
have  retained  his  influence  to  the  last.  He  was, 
says  one  writer, 

a  man  of  low  origin,  one  whom  the  tongue  had 
brought  riches  and  rank,  clever  in  wit,  pleasant  in 
speech,  but  siu"passing  all  men  of  the  time  in  envy, 
perfidy,  crime,  and  cruelty. ' 

The  murder  of  Eadric  was  directly  in  line  with 
Canute's  poHcy  of  building  up  a  new  Scandinavian 
aristocracy,  devoted  to  himself,  and  endowed 
with  large  local  authority.  The  new  order  could 
not  be  built  on  such  men  as  Eadric ;  by  his  marriage 
to  Ethelred's  daughter  he  was  too  closely  connected 
with  the  old  order  of  things.  Furthermore,  a 
man  who  found  it  so  easy  to  be  disloyal  could  not 
safely  be  entrusted  with  such  great  territorial 
authority  as  the  earlship  of  Mercia.  There  had 
been  in  this  same  year  extensive  plotting  among 
the  survivors  of  the  Anglian  nobility,  and  it  is 
likely  that  Eadric  was  involved  in  this.  It  is 
also  related  that  the  Earl  was  not  satisfied  with 

*  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  i6o. 


124  Canute  the  Great  [ioi7- 

the  King's  reward,^  which  may  mean  that  he 
objected  to  having  independent  earldoms  carved 
out  of  Western  Mercia.  At  any  rate,  Canute  was 
not  reluctant  to  remove  him.  Eric  appears  to 
have  acted  as  executioner;  and  the  career  of  the 
Grasper  came  to  a  sudden  end.  The  murder,  so 
far  as  we  can  see,  was  popular;  among  the  men  of 
power  Eadric  can  have  had  few  friends  or  perhaps 
none  at  all. 

Three  other  lords  are  mentioned  as  having 
suffered  death  on  the  same  occasion:  Northman, 
the  son  of  Leofwine,  and  two  lords  from  the  South- 
west.^ There  can  be  little  doubt  that  these  men 
were  convicted  of  treacherous  plotting  and  that 
the  punishment  was  regarded  as  merited.  It  is  a 
remarkable  fact  that  Northman's  death  did  not 
alienate  his  family  from  the  new  dynasty;  his 
father  Leofwine  succeeded  to  Eadric's  dignities 
and  his  brother  Leofric  to  Northman's  own  place 
of  influence;  "and  the  king  afterwards  held  him 
very  dear.  "^ 

Some  of  these  executions  should  probably  be 
placed  in  connection  with  certain  measures  taken 
against  the  former  dynasty.  Here  again  we  have 
anxious  care  to  secure  the  new  throne.  Six  sons 
appear  to  have  been  bom  to  Ethelred  before  his 
marriage  to  the  Norman  Emma;  but  of  these  only 
two  or  at  most  three  seem  to  have  survived  their 

'  Encomium  Emma,  ii.,  c.  15. 

'Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1017. 

3  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  182. 


1020]        Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England      125 

father.  After  Edmund  Ironside's  death,  Edwy 
alone  remained^ ;  he  is  said  to  have  been  Edmund's 
full  brother  and  a  youth  of  promise.  Evidently 
Canute  intended  to  spare  his  life,  but  ordered  him 
to  go  into  exile.  But  the  Etheling  secretly  re- 
turned to  England  and  hid  for  a  time  in  Tavistock 
monastery.  He  was  evidently  discovered,  and 
Canute  procured  his  death.  ^  As  Tavistock  is  in 
Devonshire,  the  execution  of  the  two  magnates 
from  the  Southwest  may  readily  be  explained  on 
the  supposition  that  they  were  plotting  in  Edwy's 
favour. 

The  London  assembly  seems  to  have  assumed 
that  certain  rights  were  reserved  to  the  infant 
sons  of  Edmund,  but  that  the  guardianship  of  the 
children  had  been  given  to  Canute.  They  were 
scarcely  a  problem  in  1017;  still,  it  was  necessary 
to  make  them  permanently  harmless.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  Edmund  married  Sigeferth's 
widow  some  time  in  the  year  10 15,  perhaps  in 
early  summer.  It  is,  therefore,  extremely  doubtful 
whether  the  two  boys,  Edward  and  Edmund, 
were  both  the  sons  of  the  unfortunate  Aldgyth; 
if  they  were  they  must  have  been  twins,  or  the 
younger  must  have  been  bom  a  posthumous  child, 
some  time  in  10 17,  the  year  of  their  banishment. 

'  Excepting  the  two  sons  of  Emma  who  were  now  in  Normandy, 
there  seems  to  be  no  record  of  any  other  surviving  son.  Florence 
of  Worcester  speaks  of  Edmund's  "brothers"  in  narrating  the 
discussions  at  the  gemot  of  Christmas,  1016;  but  he  may  have 
thought  of  Queen  Emma's  children.  {Chronicon,  {.,  179.) 

'  William  of  Malmesbury,  Gesta  Regum,  i.,  218. 


126  Canute  the  Great  iioi7- 

But  if  Florence's  account  is  trustworthy,  the 
status  of  the  two  was  discussed  at  the  Christmas 
gemot  following  Edmund's  death  in  1016. 

To  slay  the  children  of  a  "brother"  who  had 
committed  them  to  his  care  and  protection  must 
have  seemed  to  Canute  a  rude  and  perhaps  risky 
procedure;  it  was  therefore  thought  best  to  send 
them  out  of  the  land.  Accordingly  the  ethel- 
ings  were  sent  to  the  "king  of  the  Slavs,"*  who 
was  instructed  to  remove  them  from  the  land  of 
the  living.  This  particular  king  was  evidently 
Canute's  maternal  uncle,  the  mighty  Boleslav, 
duke  and  later  king  of  Poland.  Boleslav  took 
pity  on  the  poor  children  and  failed  to  dispose  of 
them  as  requested.  In  1025,  he  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Mieczislav,  who  entered  into  close 
relations  with  King  Stephen  of  Hungary.'  It 
was  probably  some  time  after  1025,  therefore, 
that  the  ethelings  were  transferred  to  the  Hungar- 
ian court,  where  they  grew  to  manhood.  After 
forty  years  of  exile,  one  of  them  returned  to  Eng- 
land, but  died  soon  after  he  had  landed. 

It  seems  to  have  been  Canute's  purpose  finally 
to  destroy  the  house^  of^  Alfred  to  the  last  male 
descendant.  The  two  most  dangerous  heirs  were, 
however,  beyond  his  reach:  the  sons  of  Ethelred 

'  Florence's  writing  ad  regent  Suanorum  was  probably  due  to  an 
error  of  information  or  of  copying;  ad  regent  Sclavorum,  or  some 
such  form,  is  probably  the  correct  reading  (i.,  i8i). 

'  Steenstrup,  Normannerne,  iii.,  303-308.  Mieczislav's  father 
was  married  to  Stephen's  sister. 


1020]         Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England      127 

and  Emma  were  safe  with  their  mother  in  Nor- 
mandy. There  was  close  friendship  between  the 
lords  of  Rouen  and  the  rulers  of  the  North;  still, 
Duke  Richard  could  not  be  expected  to  ignore 
the  claims  of  his  own  kinsmen.  So  long  as  the 
ethelings  remained  in  Normandy,  there  would 
always  be  danger  of  a  Norman  invasion  combined 
with  a  Saxon  revolt  in  the  interest  of  the  fugitive 
princes,  Alfred  and  Edward. 

Canute  was  a  resourceful  king:  these  princes, 
too,  could  be  rendered  comparatively  harmless. 
If  their  mother  Emma  should  be  restored  to  her 
old  position  as  reigning  queen  of  England,  her 
Norman  relatives  might  find  it  inconvenient  to 
support  an  English  uprising.  This  seems  to  be 
the  true  motive  for  Canute's  seemingly  unnatural 
marriage.  Historians  have  seen  in  it  a  hope  and 
an  attempt  to  conciliate  the  English  people,  as 
in  this  way  the  new  King  would  become  identified 
with  the  former  dynasty.  But  such  a  theory 
does  scant  justice  to  the  moral  sense  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxons.  Furthermore,  neither  Ethelred  nor 
Emma  had  ever  enjoyed  real  popularity.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  a  princess  of  the  blood  royal 
could  have  been  found  for  a  consort,  if  the  prime 
consideration  had  been  to  contract  a  popular 
marriage.  It  seems  rather  that  in  this  matter 
Canute  acted  in  defiance  of  English  public  senti- 
ment and  for  the  express  purpose  of  averting  a 
real  danger  from  beyond  the  Channel.  Appar- 
ently, Emma  took  kindly  to  Canute's  plans,  for  she 


128  Canute  the  Great  [ioi7- 

is  said  to  have  stipulated  that  if  sons  were  bom 
to  them,  they  should  be  preferred  to  Canute's 
older  children^;  thus  by  inference  the  rights  of  her 
sons  in  Normandy  were  abandoned. 

Earlier  in  his  career,  Canute  had  formed  an 
irregular  connection  with  an  English  or  Anglo- 
Danish  woman  of  noble  birth,  Elgiva,  the  daughter 
of  Elfhelm,  who  at  one  time  ruled  in  Deira  as 
ealdorman.  Her  mother's  name  is  given  as  Ulfrun, 
a  name  that  is  Scandinavian  in  both  its  component 
parts.  ^  The  family  was  evidently  not  strictly 
loyal  to  the  Saxon  line,  for  in  1006,  just  after 
Sweyn's  return  to  Denmark,  Elfhelm  was  slain 
and  his  two  sons  blinded  by  royal  orders.  ^  Elgiva 
must  have  had  relatives  at  Northampton,  for  the 
Chronicler  knows  her  as  the  woman  from  North- 
ampton. She  was  a  woman  of  great  force  of 
character,  ambitious  and  aggressive,  though  not 
always  tactful,  as  appears  from  her  later  career  in 
Norway.  She  was  never  Canute's  wife ;  but,  in  the 
eleventh  century,  vague  ideas  ruled  concerning 
the  marriage  relation,  even  among  Christians. 
Her  acquaintance  with  Canute  doubtless  began  in 
1013,  when  he  was  left  in  charge  of  the  camp  and 
fleet  at  Gainsborough.  Two  sons  she  bore  to  him, 
Harold   Harefoot   and   Sweyn.     On   Emma's  re- 

'  Encomium  Emma,  ii.,  c.  16. 

'  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  190.  On  the  subject 
of  proper  names  ending  in  run,  see  Bjorkman,  Nordische  Person- 
ennamen  in  England,  194. 

J  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  158. 


1020]        Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England      129 

turn  to  England,  Elgiva  seems  to  have  been  sent 
with  her  children  to  Denmark.  We  find  her  later 
taking  an  active  part  in  the  politics  of  Wendland, 
Norway,  and  probably  of  England. 

The  Queen,  who  now  came  back  from  Normandy 
to  marry  her  husband's  old  enemy,  was  also  a 
masterful  woman.  If  heredity  can  be  stated  in 
arithmetical  terms,  she  was  more  than  half  Danish, 
as  her  mother  Gunnor  was  clearly  a  Danish,  wo- 
man while  her  father  had  a  non-Danish  mother 
and  also  inherited  some  non-Danish  blood  on 
the  paternal  side.  She  was  evidently  beautiful, 
gifted,  and  attractive:  her  flattering  Encomiast 
describes  her  as  of  great  beauty  and  wisdom.* 
But  the  finer  instincts  that  we  commonly  associate 
with  womanhood  cannot  have  been  highly  devel- 
oped in  her  case ;  what  we  seem  to  find  is  love  of  life, 
a  delight  in  power,  and  an  overpowering  ambition 
to  rule.  At  the  time  of  her  second  marriage  she 
was  a  mature  woman ;  it  is  not  likely  that  she  was 
less  than  thirty  years  old,  perhaps  she  was  nearer 
forty.  At  all  events,  she  must  have  been  several 
years  older  than  Canute.  Two  children  were 
bom  to  this  marriage:  Harthacanute,  who  ruled 
briefly  in  Denmark  and  England  after  the  death 
of  his  father  and  of  his  half-brother  Harold;  and 
Gunhild,  who  was  married  to  the  Emperor  Henry 
III.  Emma  lived  to  a  ripe  old  age  and  died  in 
1052,  fifty  years  after  her  first  marriage. 

The  wedding  was  celebrated  in  July,  1017,  the 

'  Encomium  Emma,  ii.,  c.  i6. 


130  Canute  the  Great  noi7- 

bride  presumably  coming  from  Normandy.  The 
object  sought  was  attained:  for  more  than  ten 
years  there  seems  to  have  been  unbroken  peace 
between  England  and  Normandy.  When  trouble 
finally  arose  after  the  accession  of  Robert  the 
Devil,  Canute  was  strong  enough  to  dispense  with 
further  alliances. 

One  of  the  chief  necessities  was  some  form  of  a 
standing  army,  a  force  that  the  King  cotild  depend 
upon  in  case  of  invasion  or  revolt.  Much  reliance 
could  obviously  not  be  placed  on  the  old  military 
system;  nor  could  the  army  of  conquest  be  retained 
indefinitely.  In  1018,  or  perhaps  late  in  the 
preceding  year,  steps  were  taken  to  dismiss  the 
Scandinavian  host.*  It  has  been  conjectured 
that  this  was  done  out  of  consideration  for  the 
Saxon  race;  the  presence  of  the  conquerors  was 
an  insult  to  the  English  people.  It  had  clearly 
become  necessary  to  disband  the  viking  forces, 
but  for  other  reasons.  A  viking  host  was  in  its 
nature  an  army  of  conquest,  not  of  occupation, 
except  when  the  warriors  were  permitted  to  seize 
the  land,  which  was  evidently  not  Canute's  in- 
tention. In  a  land  of  peace,  as  Canute  intended 
England  to  be,  such  a  host  could  not  flourish.  It 
should  also  be  remembered  that  a  large  part  was 
composed  of  borrowed  troops  furnished  by  the 
rulers  of  Denmark,  Norway,  and  Sweden;  these 
could  not  be  kept  indefinitely.  Another  Dane- 
geld  was  levied,  82,500  pounds  in  all,  to  pay  off  the 

^Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1018. 


10201         Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England       131 

host ;  and  most  of  the  Northmen  departed,  to  the 
evident  satisfaction  of  all  concerned. 

The  dismissal  of  one  host  was  followed  by  the 
immediate  reorganisation  of  another.  Far  more 
important  than  the  departure  of  the  fleet  is  the 
fact  that  the  crews  of  forty  ships  remained  in  the 
royal  service:  this  would  mean  a  force  of  between 
three  thousand  and  four  thousand  men.  But  the 
North  knew  no  continuous  body  of  warriors 
except  the  military  households  of  chiefs  and 
kings;  such  a  household  was  now  to  be  organised, 
but  one  that  was  far  greater  and  more  splendid 
than  any  organisation  of  the  sort  known  in  Scan- 
dinavia. According  to  Sveno's  history,  Canute 
had  it  proclaimed  that  only  those  would  be  ad- 
mitted to  his  new  guard  who  were  provided  with 
two-edged  swords  having  hilts  inlaid  with  gold.^ 
Sveno  also  tells  us  that  the  wealthy  warriors  made 
such  haste  to  procure  properly  ornamented  weapons 
that  the  sound  of  the  swordsmith's  hammer  was 
heard  all  through  the  land.  In  this  way,  the  King 
succeeded  in  giving  his  personal  guard  an  aristo- 
cratic stamp. 

The  guard  of  housecarles  or  "thingmen,"  as 
they  were  called  in  the  North,  was  organised  as  a 
guild  or  military  fraternity,  of  which  the  King 
ranked  as  a  member,  though  naturally  a  most 
important    one.      In    many    respects    its   rules 

'  Historiola  Legum  Castrensum  Regis  Canuti  Magni,  c.  2. 
The  Historiola  is  found  in  Langebek,  Scriptores  Rerum  Danicarum, 
iii. 


132  Canute  the  Great  11017- 

remind  us  of  the  regulations  enforced  in  the  Jom- 
burg  brotherhood,  though  its  organisation  was 
probably  merely  typical  of  the  viking  fraternities 
of  the  age.  The  purpose  of  the  guild  laws,  as 
reported  by  Sveno  and  Saxo,  was  to  promote  a 
spirit  of  fellowship  among  the  members,  to  secure 
order  in  the  guard,  and  to  inculcate  proper  be- 
haviour in  the  royal  garth.  When  the  housecarles 
were  invited  to  the  King's  tables,  they  were  seated 
according  to  their  eminence  in  warfare,  priority 
of  service,  or  nobility  of  birth.  To  be  removed  to  a 
lower  place  was  counted  a  disgrace.  In  addition 
to  daily  fare  and  entertainment,  the  warriors  re- 
ceived wages  which  were  paid  monthly,  we  are 
told.  The  bond  of  service  was  not  permanent, 
but  could  be  dissolved  on  New  Year's  Day  only. 
All  quarrels  were  decided  in  an  assembly  of  the 
housecarles  in  the  presence  of  the  King.  Members 
guilty  of  minor  offences,  such  as  failing  to  care 
properly  for  the  horse  of  a  fellow  guardsman, 
were  assigned  lower  places  at  the  royal  tables. 
If  any  one  was  thrice  convicted  of  such  misdeeds, 
he  was  given  the  last  and  lowest  place,  where  no 
one  was  to  communicate  with  him  in  any  way, 
except  that  the  feasters  might  throw  bones  at  him 
if  they  were  so  disposed.  Whoever  should  slay 
a  comrade  should  lose  his  head  or  go  into  exile. 
Treason  was  punished  by  death  and  the  confisca- 
tion of  the  criminal's  property.^ 

These  laws  were  put  into  writing  several  genera- 

'  Sveno,  Historiola,  cc.  5-9.     Saxo,  Gesta  Danorum,  351  flf. 


1020]        Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England      133 

tions  after  the  guard  was  formed,  and  it  is  not 
likely  that  all  existed  from  the  very  beginning. 
There  is,  however,  nothing  in  the  rules  that  might 
not  have  applied  in  Canute's  own  day.  It  is  said 
that  the  King  himself  was  the  first  who  seriously 
violated  the  guard-laws,  in  that  he  slew  a  house- 
carle  in  a  moment  of  anger.  Repentance  came 
swiftty;  the  guard  was  assembled;  kneeling  the 
King  confessed  his  guilt  and  requested  punishment. 
But  the  laws  gave  the  King  the  power  of  judgment 
in  such  cases,  and  so  it  must  be  in  this  instance 
as  in  others.  Forty  marks  was  the  customary 
fine,  but  in  this  case  the  King  levied  nine  times 
that  amount  and  added  nine  marks  as  a  gift  of 
honour.  This  fine  of  369  marks  was  divided  into 
three  parts :  one  to  go  to  the  heirs  of  the  deceased ; 
one  to  the  guard;  and  one  to  the  King.  But 
Canute  gave  his  share  to  the  Church  and  the 
poor.  ^ 

Though  the  housecarles  are  prestuned  to  have 
possessed  horses,  the  guard  was  in  no  sense  a 
cavalry  force.  Horses  were  for  use  on  the  march, 
for  swift  passage  from  place  to  place,  not  for 
charging  on  the  field.  The  housecarles  were 
heavily  armed,  as  we  know  from  the  description  of 
a  ship  that  Earl  Godwin  presented  to  Harthacanute 
as   a  peace  offering  a  few  years  after  Canute's 

»  Langebek,  Scriptores,  iii.,  151  (note).  The  story  is  probably 
mythical;  but  I  give  it  as  a  fitting  companion  to  the  English 
stories  of  Canute  and  the  tide,  and  of  his  improvised  verses 
inspired  by  the  chants  of  the  monks  of  Ely. 


134  Canute  the  Great  11017- 

death.  Eighty  warriors,  housecarles  no  doubt, 
seeing  that  it  was  a  royal  ship,  manned  the  dragon, 

of  whom  each  one  had  on  each  arm  a  golden  armring 
weighing  sixteen  ounces,  a  triple  corselet,  on  the  head 
a  helmet  in  part  overiaid  with  gold;  each  was  girded 
with  a  sword  that  was  golden-hilted  and  bore  a 
Danish  ax  inlaid  with  silver  and  gold  hanging  from  the 
left  shoulder;  the  left  hand  held  the  shield  with  gilded 
boss  and  rivets;  in  the  right  hand  lay  the  spear  that 
the  Angles  call  the  oetgar.  * 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  whole  guard 
was  always  at  the  court — ^it  was  distributed  in  the 
strong  places  throughout  the  kingdom,  *  especially 
no  doubt  in  the  South.  It  seems  likely  that 
individual  housecarles  might  have  homes  of  their 
own ;  at  any  rate,  many  of  them  in  time  came  into 
possession  of  English  lands  as  we  know  from 
Domesday.^  No  doubt  Anglo-Saxon  warriors 
were  enrolled  in  the  guard,  but  in  its  earlier  years, 
at  least,  the  greater  ntunber  must  have  been 
of  Scandinavian  ancestry.  In  the  province  of 
Uppland,  Sweden,  a  runic  monument  has  been 
found  that  was  raised  by  two  sons  in  memory  of. 
their  father,  who  "sat  out  west  in  thinglith. "* 
As  thinglith  was  the  Old  Norse  name  for  Canute's 
corps  of  housecarles,  we  have  here  contemporary 

'  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  195. 
'  Saxo,  Gesta  Danorum,  351. 

5  Larson,  The  King's  Household  in  England,  163-167. 
*  The  Kolstad  Stone.     Montelius,  Kidturgeschichte  Schwedens, 
267. 


1020]        Rule  of  the  Danes  in  England       135 

mention  of  a  Swede  who  served  in  the  guard. 
Another  stone  from  the  same  province  records 
the  fact  that  Ali  who  raised  it  "collected  tribute 
for  Canute  in  England."*  Housecarles  were 
sometimes  employed  as  tax  collectors,  and  it 
seems  probable  that  Ali,  too,  was  a  member  of  the 
great  corps.  It  is  likely  that  housecarles  are  also 
alluded  to  in  the  following  Scanian  inscription: 

Sweyn  and  Thurgot  raised  this  monument  in 
memory  of  Manna  and  Sweyn.  God  help  their  souls 
well.     But  they  lie  buried  in  London.' 

The  sagas  are  evidently  correct  in  stating  that  the 
force  of  housecarles  "had  been  chosen  from  many 
lands,  though  chiefly  from  those  of  the  Danish 
[Old  Norse]  tongue." 

So  long  had  the  wealth  of  England  been  regarded 
as  legitimate  plunder,  that  the  Scandinavian 
pirates  found  it  difficult  to  realise  that  raids  in 
South  Britain  were  things  of  the  past.  They  now 
had  to  reckon,  not  merely  with  a  sluggish  and  dis- 
organised militia,  but  with  a  strong  force  of  pro- 
fessional warriors  in  the  service  and  pay  of  a 
capable  and  determined  king.  In  the  year  10 18, 
says  the  German  chronicler  Thietmarof  Merseburg, 

the  crews  of  thirty  viking  ships  have  been  slain  in 
England,  thanks  be  to  God,  by  the  son  of  Sweyn,  the 
king  of  the  English;  and  he,    who  earlier  with  his 

'  The  Osseby  Stone.     Montelius,  ibid. 

'  The  Valleberga  Stx)ne.  Wimmer,  De  danske  Runemindes- 
marker,  iii.,  165. 


136  Canute  the  Great  [1017-1020I 

father  brought  invasion  and  long-continued  destruc- 
tion upon  the  land,  is  now  its  sole  defender,  i 

This  seems  to  have  been  the  first  and  last  attempt 
at  piracy  in  England  during  the  reign  of  Canute. 
So  far  as  his  dominions  extended,  viking  practices 
were  outlawed.  The  check  that  the  movement 
received  in  1 01 8  was  the  beginning  of  a  rapid  de- 
cline in  its  strength,  and  before  the  close  of  Canute's 
reign,  the  profession  of  the  sea-king  was  practically- 
destroyed. 

The  Welsh,  too,  seem  to  have  found  it  hard  to 
repress  their  old  habits  of  raiding  the  English 
frontier.  It  was  probably  this  fact  that  induced 
Canute  to  estabHsh  so  many  earldoms  in  the  South- 
west, particularly  in  the  Severn  Valley.  A  few 
years  after  the  signal  defeat  of  the  viking  fleet, 
apparently  in  1022,  Eglaf,  one  of  the  earls  on  the 
Welsh  border,  harried  the  lands  of  South-western 
Wales.'  As  the  sources  nowhere  intimate  that 
Canute  ever  planned  to  conquer  Wales,  and  as  this 
was  evidently  the  year  of  Canute's  absence  in 
the  Baltic  lands,  the  conclusion  must  be  that  this 
expedition  was  of  a  punitive  character.  The 
Angles  and  Saxons  were  soon  to  learn  that  the 
new  regime  meant  a  security  for  the  property  as 
well  as  the  persons  of  loyal  and  peaceful  citizens, 
such  as  they  had  not  enjoyed  for  more  than  a 
generation. 

*  Chronicon,  viii.,  c.  5.  Thietmar's  account  is  strictly  con- 
temporary. '  Annales  Cambria,  23. 


CHAPTER  VI 

♦  THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  EMPIRE 

IOI9-IO25 

THE  first  three  or  four  years  of  Canute's 
government  in  England  can  have  given  but 
little  promise  of  the  beneficent  rule  that  was  to 
follow.  To  the  conquered  Saxon  they  must  have 
been  a  season  of  great  sorrow.  On  the  throne  of 
Alfred  sat  an  alien  king  who  had  done  nothing  as 
yet  to  merit  the  affectionate  regard  of  his  subjects. 
In  the  shire  courts  ruled  the  chiefs  of  the  dreaded 
Danish  host,  chiefs  who  had  probably  harried 
those  same  shires  at  an  earlier  date.  A  heavy  tax 
had  been  collected  to  pay  the  forces  of  the  enemy, 
but  a  large  part  of  those  forces  still  remained. 
The  land  was  at  peace ;  but  the  calm  was  the  calm 
of  exhaustion.  The  young  King  had  shown  vigour 
and  decision;  thus  far,  however,  his  efforts  had 
been  directed  toward  dynastic  security  rather 
than  the  welfare  of  his  English  subjects. 

But  with  Canute's  return  from  Denmark  in  1020 
begins  the  second  period  in  the  history  of  the 
reign.    After  that  date,  it  seems  that  more  intellig- 

137 


138  Canute  the  Great  11019- 

ent  efforts  were  made  to  reconcile  the  Saxons 
to  foreign  rule.  For  one  thing,  Canute  must  have 
come  to  appreciate  the  wonderful  power  of  the 
Church;  for  an  attempt  was  made  to  enlist  its 
forces  on  the  side  of  the  new  monarchy.  Perhaps 
he  had  also  come  to  understand  that  repression 
could  not  continue  indefinitely. 

This  change  in  policy  seems  to  be  the  outgrowth 
principally  of  the  new  situation  created  by  Canute's 
accession  to  the  Danish  throne.  Harold,  his 
older  brother,  king  of  Denmark,  appears  to  have 
died  in  1018.*  Little  is  known  of  Harold;  he  died 
young  and  evidently  left  no  heirs.  For  a  year 
there  seems  to  have  been  no  recognised  king  in 
Denmark,  as  Canute  did  not  leave  England 
before  10 19.  In  that  year  he  sailed  to  the  Baltic 
to  claim  the  throne  in  person,  taking  with  him 
nine  ships,  fewer  than  one  thousand  men;  the 
rest  of  the  new  force  of  housecarles  was  doubtless 
left  in  Britain  as  a  matter  of  security.  Thurkil, 
Earl  of  East  Anglia,  seems  to  have  been  left  behind 
as  English  viceroy. 

Various  reasons  may  be  assigned  for  this  delay 
in  securing  the  ancestral  crown.  Harold  died  in 
the  year  when  Canute  was  reorganising  the  mili- 
tary forces  of  the  realm;  before  his  great  corps  of 
housecarles  was  complete,  it  would  not  have  been 
safe  to  leave  the  country.  Perhaps  the  King 
also  felt  that  he  must  take  some  steps  to  reconcile 
the  two  racial  elements  of  his  kingdom.     He  may 

*  Langebek,  Scriptores,  i.,  159  (note). 


1026]  The  Beginnings  of  Empire  139 

have  concluded  that  with  two  kingdoms  to  govern 
it  would  be  impossible  to  give  undivided  attention 
to  English  affairs  and  movements.  To  prevent 
rebellion  in  his  absence,  it  might  be  well  to  remove, 
so  far  as  possible,  all  forms  of  hostility;  we  read, 
therefore,  of  a  great  meeting  of  the  magnates, 
both  Danes  and  Angles,  at  Oxford  in  1018,  where 
the  matter  of  legislation  was  evidently  the  prin- 
cipal subject.  At  this  assembly,  it  was  agreed  to 
accept  Edgar's  laws  as  the  laws  for  the  whole 
land.^  It  is  significant  that  the  comparatively 
large  body  of  law  that  was  enacted  in  Ethelred's 
day  was  ignored  or  rejected.  The  chief  reason 
for  this  may  have  been  that  Canute  was  not  yet 
willing  to  enforce  the  rigid  enactments  against 
heathen  practices  that  were  such  a  distinctive 
feature  of  Ethelred's  legislation.  There  can  be 
small  doubt  that  in  the  Scandinavian  settlements 
and  particularly  in  the  alien  host  heathendom  still 
lingered  to  some  extent. 

The  delay  was  also  due,  perhaps,  in  large  part 
to  a  serious  trouble  with  Scotland.  The  term 
Northumbria  is  variously  used;  but  in  its  widest 
application  it  embraced  territories  extending  from 
the  Humber  to  the  Forth.  The  northern  part 
of  this  kingdom,  the  section  between  the  Tweed 
and  the  Forth,  was  known  as  Lothian;  on  this 
region  the  kings  of  Scotland  had  long  cast  covetous 
eyes.  In  1006,  while  the  vikings  were  distressing 
England,  King  Malcolm  invaded  Lothian,  crossed 

^Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle^  1018. 


140  Canute  the  Great  [1019- 

the  Tweed,  and  laid  siege  to  Durham.  The  aged 
Earl  Waltheof  made  practically  no  attempt  at 
resistance;  but  his  young  son  Uhtred  placed  him- 
self at  the  head  of  the  Northumbrian  levies  and 
drove  the  invader  back  into  Scotland.*  Uhtred 
succeeded  to  his  father's  earldom  and  was  appar- 
ently recognised  as  lord  throughout  the  entire 
ancient  realm.  While  Uhtred  lived  and  ruled, 
the  neighbours  to  the  north  seem  to  have  kept  the 
peace;  but  in  1016,  as  we  have  seen,  the  great 
warrior  was  slain,  probably  at  Canute's  instigation 
and  his  earldom  was  assigned  to  Eric.  Whatever 
Canute's  intentions  may  have  been,  it  seems  likely 
that  the  new  Earl  did  not  come  into  immediate 
and  undisputed  control  of  the  entire  earldom; 
for  we  find  that  in  the  regions  north  of  Yorkshire, 
the  old  kingdom  of  Bemicia,  Uhtred's  brother, 
Eadulf  Cudel,  "a  very  sluggish  and  timid  man," 
sought  to  maintain  the  hereditary  rights  of  the 
family. 

Two  years  after  Uhtred's  death,  Malcolm  the 
son  of  Kenneth  reappeared  in  Lothian  at  the  head 
of  a  large  force  gathered  from  the  western  kingdom 
of  Strathclyde  as  well  as  from  his  own  Scotia. 
The  Northumbrians  had  had  ample  warning  of 
troubles  to  come:  for  thirty  nights  a  comet  had 
blazed  in  the  sky ;  and  after  the  passage  of  another 
period  of  thirty  days,  the  enemy  appeared.     An 

'  Simeon  of  Durham,  Opera  Omnia,  i.,  216.  The  account  of 
the  siege  of  Durham  is  not  by  Simeon  but  by  some  writer  whose 
identity  is  unknown. 


10251  The  Beginnings  of  Empire  141 

army  gathered  mainly  from  the  Diirham  country 
met  the  Scotch  forces  at  Carham  on  the  Tweed, 
near  Coldstream,  but  was  almost  completely 
destroyed.^  There  is  no  record  of  any  further 
resistance;  and  when  Malcolm  returned  to  the 
Highlands  he  was  lord  of  Lothian,  Eadulf  having 
surrendered  his  rights  to  all  of  Northimibria 
beyond  the  Tweed, 

Canute  apparently  acquiesced  in  this  settlement. 
So  far  as  we  know,  he  made  no  effort  to  assist 
his  subjects  in  the  North,  or  to  redeem  the  lost 
territory.  We  cannot  be  sure  of  the  reason  for  this 
inactivity;  but  the  general  situation  on  the  island 
appears  to  offer  a  satisfactory  explanation.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  10 18  was  the  year  when 
Canute  disbanded  his  Scandinavian  army.  As 
we  are  told  that  the  bishop  of  Durham,  who  died  in 
1019,  took  leave  of  earth  a  few  days  after  he  had 
heard  the  news  of  the  great  defeat,  *  it  seems  likely 
that  the  battle  of  Carham  was  fought  late  in  the 
year  1018,  and  after  the  host  had  departed  for 
Denmark.  Canute,  therefore,  probably  had  no 
available  army  that  he  could  trust;  to  call  out  his 
new  subjects  would  have  been  a  hazardous  experi- 
ment. There  is  also  the  additional  fact  that  the 
sluggish  Eadulf  was  in  all  probability  regarded  as 
a  rebel,  whom  Canute  was  not  anxious  to  assist. 

As  to  the  terms  of  the  surrender  of  Lothian, 
nothing  definite  is  known.  Our  only  authority 
in  the  matter  puts  the  entire  blame  on  Eadulf, 

*  Simeon  of  Durham,  Opera  Omnia,  i.,  84.  '  Ibid, 


142  Canute  the  Great  I1019- 

and  apparently  would  have  us  believe  that  Mal- 
colm merely  stepped  into  the  earl's  position  as 
vassal  of  Eric  or  Canute.  If  such  were  the  case, 
Canute  could  hardly  have  been  left  in  ignorance 
about  the  cession,  and  he  may  have  cherished 
certain  pretensions  to  overlordship,  which  Macolm 
evidently  did  not  regard  very  seriously.  In  one 
way  the  cession  of  Lothian  was  a  great  loss  to 
England;  on  the  other  hand,  it  added  an  Anglian 
element  to  the  Caledonian  kingdom,  which  in  time 
became  the  controlling  factor,  and  prepared  the 
northern  state  for  the  union  of  the  kingdoms  that 
came  centuries  afterwards. 

The  following  year,  Canute  was  finally  in  posi- 
tion to  make  the  deferred  journey  to  Denmark. 
The  Danish  situation  must  have  had  its  difficulties. 
In  a  proclamation  issued  on  his  return,  the  King 
alludes  to  these,  though  in  somewhat  ambiguous 
terms : 

Then  I  was  informed  that  there  threatened  us  a 
danger  that  was  greater  than  was  well  pleasing  to  us ; 
and  then  I  myself  with  the  men  who  went  with  me 
departed  for  Denmark,  whence  came  to  you  the 
greatest  danger;  and  that  I  have  with  God's  help 
forestalled,  so  that  henceforth  no  unpeace  shall  come 
to  you  from  that  country,  so  long  as  you  stand  by  me 
as  the  law  commands,  and  my  Uf e  lasts.  * 

Most  probably,  the  difficulty  alluded  to  was  some 
trouble  about  the  succession.     There  may  have 

'  Liebermann,  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  i.,  273  (sec.  5). 


10251  The  Beginnings  of  Empire  143 

been  a  party  in  Denmark  to  whom  the  thought 
of  calling  a  king  from  England  was  not  pleasant; 
or  it  may  be  that  a  conservative  faction  was 
hoping  for  a  ruler  of  the  old  faith.  Any  form  of 
invasion  from  Denmark  at  this  time,  when  the 
nation  was  even  kingless,  is  almost  beyond  the 
possible.  But  no  doubt  there  had  been  a  likeli- 
hood that  Canute  would  have  to  call  on  his 
English  subjects  for  military  and  financial  support 
in  the  effort  to  secure  his  hereditary  rights  in  the 
North. 

Canute  chose  to  spend  the  winter  in  Denmark, 
as  during  the  winter  season  there  was  least  likeli- 
hood of  successful  plots  and  uprisings.  As  early 
as  possible  in  the  spring  of  1020,  he  returned 
to  England.  Evidently  certain  rebellious  move- 
ments had  made  some  headway  during  his  absence, 
for  Canute  immediately  summoned  the  lords  to 
meet  in  formal  assembly  at  the  Easter  festival. 
The  plotting  was  apparently  localised  in  the  south- 
western shires,  as  we  infer  from  the  fact  that  the 
gemot  sat  in  an  iinusual  place,  Cirencester  in  the 
Severn  country.  Its  chief  act  seems  to  have  been 
the  banishment  of  Ethelwerd,  earl  in  the  Devon 
country,  and  of  a  mysterious  pretender  whom  the 
Chronicler  calls  Edwy,  king  of  churls.  ^  It  seems 
natural  to  associate  the  destinies  of  these  two  men 
and  to  conclude  that  some  sort  of  conspiracy  in  the 
pretender's  favour  had  been  hatching,  but  we 
have  no  definite  information. 

*  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1020. 


144  Canute  the  Great  11019- 

It  was  probably  at  this  gathering  that  Canute 
issued  his  proclamation  to  the  English  nation;  at 
least  there  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  it  was  given 
in  1020.  It  is  a  remarkable  document,  a  message 
to  a  restless  people,  an  apology  for  the  absence  in 
Denmark,  and  a  promise  of  future  good  govern- 
ment. It  hints  darkly  at  what  may  have  been  the 
disturbances  in  the  Southwest  and  the  measures 
taken  at  Cirencester  in  the  following  terms: 

Now  I  did  not  spare  my  treasures  while  unpeace 
was  threatening  to  come  upon  you;  with  the  help  of 
God  I  have  warded  this  oflE  by  the  use  of  my  treasures.^ 

In  a  measure  the  Proclamation  of  1020  contains 
the  announcement  of  a  new  governmental  policy 
in  England,  one  that  recognises  the  English  sub- 
jects as  citizens  who  may  be  trusted  with  some 
share  in  the  administration  of  the  realm,  and  not 
merely  as  conquered  provincials  whose  rebellious 
instincts  can  be  kept  down  by  a  continuous  policy 
of  coercion  only.  There  was,  it  is  true,  little 
need  of  coercion  after  1020;  the  natural  leaders  of 
the  native  population  were  gone.  But  the  import- 
ance of  the  union  with  Denmark  with  respect  to 
politics  in  England  must  not  be  overlooked:  it 
removed  what  fear  had  remained  as  to  the  stability 
of  Canute's  conquered  throne.  At  the  first  indica- 
tion of  an  uprising,  it  would  be  possible  to  throw 
a  Danish  force  on  the  British  coast,  which,  com- 

'  Sec.  4. 


1025]  The  Beginnings  of  Empire  145 

bined  with  the  King's  loyal  partisans  in  England, 
could  probably  stifle  the  rebellion  in  a  brief 
campaign. 

The  purpose  to  make  larger  use  of  the  native 
energies  is  indirectly  shown  in  the  command  to  the 
local  functionaries  that  they  heed  and  follow  the 
advice  of  the  bishops  in  the  administration  of 
justice: 

And  I  make  known  to  you  that  I  will  be  a  kind 
lord  and  loyal  to  the  rights  of  the  Church  and  to  right 
secular  law. 

And  also  my  ealdormen  I  command  that  they  help  the 
bishops  to  the  rights  of  the  Church  and  to  the  rights 
of  my  kingship  and  to  the  behoof  of  all  the  people. 
And  I  also  command  my  reeves,  by  my  friendship 
and  by  all  that  they  own,  and  by  their  own  lives,  that 
they  everywhere  govern  my  people  justly  and  give 
right  judgments  by  the  witness  of  the  shire  bishop, 
and  do  such  mercy  therein  as  the  shire  bishop  thinks 
right  and  the  community  can  allow.  ^ 

The  significance  of  this  appears  when  we  remember 
that  the  local  prelates  were  probably  English  to  a 
man. 

There  is,  however,  no  evidence  for  the  belief 
so  frequently  expressed,  that  Canute  by  this  time, 
or  even  earlier,  had  concluded  to  dispense  with 
his  Scandinavian  officials,  and  to  rule  England 
with  the  help  of  Englishmen  only.      In  the  Proc- 

»  Sees.  2,  8,  and  ii.  For  a  translation  of  the  entire  document 
see  Appendix  i. 


146  Canute  the  Great  lioid- 

lamation  the  King  speaks  of  Danes  and  Angles, 
not  of  Angles  and  Danes.  Among  the  thegns  who 
witnessed  his  charters,  Danes  and  Saxons  continue 
to  appear  in  but  slightly  changed  ratio  till  the 
close  of  the  reign.  The  alien  guard  was  not 
dismissed.  Local  government  continued  in  the 
hands  of  Norse  and  Danish  earls.  Time  came 
when  these  disappeared  from  their  respective 
earldoms,  but  for  reasons  that  show  no  conscious 
purpose  of  removal  because  of  nationality  or  race. 
As  the  field  of  his  operations  widened,  as  the  vision 
of  empire  began  to  take  on  the  forms  of  reality, 
Canute  found  it  necessary  to  use  his  trusted  chiefs 
in  other  places  and  in  other  capacities.  Conse- 
quently the  employment  of  native  Englishmen  in 
official  positions  became  more  common  as  the  years 
passed. 

The  following  year  about  Martinsmas  (Novem- 
ber II,  102 1),  came  the  first  real  break  in  Canute's 
political  system:  Thurkil  the  Tall,  who  stood 
second  to  the  King  only  in  all  England,  was 
outlawed.  Florence  of  Worcester  adds  that  his 
wife  was  exiled  with  him.^  The  reason  for  this 
act  is  not  clear;  but  we  may  perhaps  associate  it 
with  a  lingering  dislike  for  the  old  dynasty.  If 
Edith  was  actually  Ethelred's  daughter,  Thurkil's 
marriage  may  have  been  a  source  of  irritation 
or  even  supposed  danger  to  Canute  and  possibly 
also  to  the  lady's  stepmother,  the  callous  Queen 
Emma. 

*  Chronicon,  i.,  183. 


1025]  The  Beginnings  of  Empire  147 

It  is  also  possible  that  the  King  in  this  case 
simply  yielded  to  pressure  from  the  native  ele- 
ment, particularly  from  the  Church.  Thurkil's 
prominence  in  the  kingdom  can  hardly  have  been 
a  source  of  pleasure  to  the  men  who  recalled  the 
part  that  he  had  played  in  the  kingdom  at  various 
times.  In  the  Proclamation  he  is  entrusted  with 
the  task  of  enforcing  the  laws  against  heathen  and 
heretical  practices.  But  to  assign  such  a  duty  to 
the  man  who  was  in  such  a  great  measure  respons- 
ible for  the  martyrdom  of  Saint  Alphege  must 
have  seemed  a  travesty  upon  justice  to  the  good 
churchmen  of  the  time.  The  conjecture  that  the 
banishment  of  the  Earl  was  not  wholly  the  result 
of  royal  disfavour  receives  some  support  from  the 
fact  that,  a  few  months  later,  Canute  and  Thurkil 
were  reconciled,  and  the  old  Earl  was  given  a 
position  in  Denmark  analogous  to  the  one  that  he 
had  held  in  England.^  Canute  still  found  him 
useful,  but  not  in  the  western  kingdom.  At  the 
same  time,  the  shrewd  King  seems  not  to  have 
felt  absolutely  sure  of  the  Earl's  loyalty,  for  we 
read  that  he  brought  Thurkil's  son  with  him  to 
England,  evidently  as  a  hostage. 

In  1023  another  great  name  disappears  from 
the  docimients:  Earl  Eric  is  mentioned  no  more. 


*  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1023.  The  story  given  by  later 
writers  that  Thurkil  was  slain  by  a  Danish  mob  soon  after  his 
exile  cannot  be  credited.  It  doubtless  originated  in  a  desire  that 
the  persecutor  of  Saint  Alphege  should  suffer  retribution.  See 
especially  the  life  of  this  saint  in  Langebek,  Scriptores,  ii.,  453. 


148  Canute  the  Great  [1019- 

Later  stories  that  he,  too,  suffered  exile  are  not  to 
be  believed.  Eric  seems  to  have  died  in  possession 
of  all  his  Northumbrian  dignities  and  of  the  King's 
favour  at  a  comparatively  advanced  age;  for  the 
warrior  who  showed  such  signal  bravery  at  Hjo- 
runga  Bay  nearly  forty  years  before  could  not 
have  been  young.  In  all  probability  he  had  passed 
the  sixtieth  milestone  of  life,  which  was  almost 
unusual  among  the  viking  chiefs  of  the  period.  We 
are  told  that  in  his  last  year  he  contemplated  a 
visit  to  Rome  which  was  probably  never  made- 
Most  reliable  is  the  story  that  he  died  from  the 
effects  of  primitive  surgery.  Just  as  he  was  about 
to  set  out  on  the  Roman  journey,  it  was  found 
necessary  for  him  to  have  his  uvula  treated.  The 
surgeon  cut  too  deep  and  a  hemorrhage  resulted 
from  which  the  Earl  died.  ^  That  the  story  is  old 
is  clear,  for  some  of  the  accounts  have  the  addi- 
tional information  that  the  leech  acted  on  the 
suggestion  of  one  who  can  be  none  other  than 
Canute.  This  part  of  the  story  is  probably 
mythical. 

The  spirit  of  chivalry  was  not  strong  in  the 

'  One  of  the  sagas  (Fagrskinna,  c.  24)  tells  us  that  Eric  actually 
made  the  pilgrimage  and  died  soon  after  the  return.  That  such 
a  journey  was  at  least  planned  seems  probable;  Eric's  brother-in- 
law,  Einar,  is  said  to  have  made  a  pilgrimage  during  the  earlier 
years  of  the  decade;  they  may  have  planned  to  make  the  journey 
together.  The  earUest  English  writers  who  account  for  Eric's 
disappearance  on  the  theory  of  exile  are  William  of  Malmesbury 
{Gesta  Regum,  i.,  219),  and  Henry  of  Huntingdon  {Historia 
Anglorum,   186). 


1025]  The  Beginnings  of  Empire  149 

viking;  but,  so  far  as  it  existed,  it  found  its  best 
representative  in  Eric,  the  son  of  Hakon  the  Bad. 
He  was  great  as  a  warrior,  great  as  a  leader  in  the 
onslaught.  He  possessed  in  full  measure  the 
courage  that  made  the  viking  such  a  marvellous 
fighter;  the  joy  of  the  conflict  he  seems  to  have 
shared  with  the  rest.  But  when  the  fight  was 
over  and  the  foeman  was  vanquished,  nobler 
qualities  ruled  the  man ;  he  could  then  be  merciful 
and  large  of  soiil.  As  a  statesman,  on  the  other 
hand,  he  seems  to  have  been  less  successful;  in 
Norway  he  permitted  the  aristocracy  to  exercise 
local  authority  to  a  greater  extent  than  the  wel- 
fare of  Norse  society  could  allow.  As  to  his  rule 
in  Northumbria  we  know  nothing. 

The  next  year  we  have  the  closing  record  of 
still  another  Scandinavian  earl  in  England: 
Eglaf  signs  a  grant  for  the  last  time  in  1024.* 
Doubtless  some  trouble  had  arisen  between  him 
and  the  King,  for  two  years  later  he  appears  to  be 
acting  the  part  of  a  rebel.  Still  later,  he  is  said 
to  have  joined  the  Varangian  guard  of  Scandina- 
vian warriors  at  Byzantitun,  where  he  closed  his 
restless  career  in  the  service  of  the  Greek  Emperor.  * 

There  still  remained  Norse  and  Danish  earls  in 
England,  such  as  Ranig  and  Hakon;  but  the  men 
who  were  most  intimately  associated  in  the  English 
mind  with  conquest  and  cruel  subjection  were 
apparently  out  of  the  land  before  the  third  decade 

'  Kemble,  Codex  Diplomaticus,  No.  741. 
*  Jdmsvikingasaga,  c.  52. 


150  Canute  the  Great  [ioi9- 

of  the  century  had  finished  half  its  course.  It  is 
probable  that  Hakon  succeeded  his  father  in  the 
Northumbrian  earidom,  as  Leofwine  of  Mercia 
seems  to  be  in  possession  of  Hakon' s  earidom  in 
Worcestershire  in  1023/  the  year  when  Hakon's 
father  presumably  died. 

After  the  banishment  of  Thurkil,  we  shotdd 
expect  to  find  Eric,  while  he  still  lived,  as  the 
ranking  earl  in  the  kingdom  and  the  chief  ad- 
viser to  the  King.  But  Eric's  earldom  was  in 
the  extreme  north;  his  subjects  were  largely 
Norwegian  immigrants  and  their  descendants, 
as  yet,  perhaps,  but  imperfectly  Anglicised;  he 
was  himself  an  alien  and  his  circle  of  ideas  scarcely 
touched  the  field  of  Saxon  politics.  He  could, 
therefore,  be  of  small  assistance  in  governing  the 
kingdom  as  a  whole.  Furthermore,  it  is  doubtfiil 
whether  Canute  really  felt  the  need  of  a  grand 
vizier  at  this  time.  An  excellent  assistant,  how- 
ever, he  seems  to  have  found  in  the  Saxon  Godwin. 
It  has  been  thought  that  Godwin's  exalted  position 
of  first  subject  in  the  realm  belongs  to  a  date  as 
early  as  1020.  ^  But  this  is  mere  conjecture.  It  is 
evident  that  his  influence  with  Canute  grew  with 
the  passage  of  time;  still,  it  is  likely  that  historians 
have  projected  his  greatness  too  far  back  into  his 
career. 

*  In  an  agreement  of  that  year  involving  lands  in  Worcester 
and  Gloucester,  Leofwine  ealdorman  signs  as  a  witness.  Kemble, 
Codex  Diplomaticus,  No.  738. 

'  Freeman,  Norman  Conquest,  i.,  285. 


10251  The  Beginnings  of  Empire  151 

A  position  analogous  to  that  of  the  tall  earl  he 
could  not  have  held  before  the  closing  years  of  the 
reign.  If  Canute  left  any  one  in  charge  of  the 
kingdom  during  his  absences  after  1020,  it  could 
not  have  been  Godwin.  When  the  fleet  sailed 
against  the  Slavs  on  the  south  Baltic  shores  in 
1022,  Godwin  appears  to  have  accompanied  the 
host.  Tradition  tells  us  that  he  fought  valiantly 
in  the  Swedish  campaign  of  1026.  A  Norse  runic 
monument  records  his  presence  in  some  expedition 
to  Norway,  presumably  that  of  1028,^  Canute 
did  not  employ  English  forces  to  a  large  extent  in 
any  of  his  foreign  wars,  possibly  because  he  was 
distrustful  of  them:  only  fifty  English  ships  made 
part  of  that  vast  armada  that  overawed  the  Nor- 
wegians in  1028.  Canute's  probable  reluctance 
about  arming  the  Saxons  after  the  battle  of 
Carham  and  the  consequent  loss  of  Lothian  has 
already  been  referred  to.  The  presence  of  Godwin 
as  a  chief  in  Canute's  host  may,  therefore,  be  taken 
as  a  mark  of  peculiar  confidence  on  the  King's  part. 

Godwin  was  never  without  his  rival.  In  the 
Midlands  Leofwine  and  after  him  his  son  Leofric 
were  developing  a  power  that  was  some  day  to 
prove  a  dangerous  barrier  to  the  ambitions  of  the 
southern  Earl  and  his  many  sons.  The  family  of 
Leofwine  had  certain  advantages  in  the  race  for 
power  that  made  for  stability  and  assured  posses- 
sion of  power  once  gained :  it  was  older  as  a  member 
of  the  aristocracy;  it  seems  to  have  had  Anglo- 

'  Afhandlinger  viede  Sophus  Bugge's  Minde,  8. 


152  Canute  the  Great  I1019- 

Danish  connections,  presumably  Danish  ancestry; 
it  was  apparently  controlled  by  a  spirit  of  prudence 
that  urged  the  acceptance  of  de-facto  rule.  But 
in  the  matter  of  aggressive  abilities  and  states- 
manlike ideas  the  Mercians  were  far  inferior  to 
their  Saxon  rivals ;  the  son  and  grandsons  of  Leof- 
wine  never  attained  the  height  of  influence  and 
power  that  was  reached  by  Godwin  and  his  son 
Harold. 

While  these  changes  were  going  on  in  England, 
an  important  advance  had  been  made  in  the 
direction  of  empire.  In  his  message  from  Rome 
to  the  English  people  (1027)  Canute  claims  the 
kingship  of  England,  Denmark,  Norway,  and 
parts  of  Sweden.  The  copies  of  the  docimient  that 
have  come  down  to  us  are,  however,  not  con- 
temporary, and  it  is  not  likely  that  the  sweeping 
claim  of  the  salutation  was  found  in  the  original. 
For  at  no  time  was  Canute  lord  of  any  Swedish 
territory  as  the  term  was  understood  and  the 
frontier  drawn  in  the  eleventh  century.  It  has 
been  pointed  out  that  in  this  case  we  probably 
have  a  scribal  error  of  Swedes  for  Slavs.  ^  As 
King  of  Denmark,  Canute  inherited  pretensions  to 
considerable  stretches  of  the  south  Baltic  shore 
lands,  and  consequently  could  claim  to  rule  a 
part  of  the  Slavic  lands.  Early  in  his  reign  he 
made  an  expedition  to  these  regions,  of  which  we 
have  faint  echoes  in  both  English  and  Scandina- 
vian sources. 

'  Steenstrup,  Normannerne,  iii.,  326-328. 


1026]  The  Beginnings  of  Empire  153 

From  the  Elbe  eastward  along  the  Baltic  shores, 
at  least  as  far  as  the  Vistula,  where  the  Lithuanian 
settlements  appear  to  have  begun,  ^  Slavic  tribes 
were  evidently  in  full  possession  all  through  the 
viking  age.  There  was,  however,  no  consolidated 
Slavic  power,  no  organised  Slavic  state.  The 
dominions  of  Bohemia  and  Poland  were  developing 
but  neither  had  full  control  of  the  coast  lands, 
The  non-Slavic  peoples  who  were  interested  in  this 
region  were  the  Danes  and  the  Germans.  The 
eastward  expansion  of  Germany  across  and  beyond 
the  Elbe  had  begun ;  but  in  Canute's  day  Teutonic 
control  of  Wendish  territories  was  very  slight. 

We  find  the  Danes  in  Wendland  as  early  as  the 
age  of  Charlemagne,  when  they  were  in  possession 
of  a  strong  and  important  city  called  Reric,  the 
exact  location  of  which  is  not  known.*  The 
Danish  interest  appears  to  have  been  wholly  a 
commercial  one:  horses,  cattle,  game,  fish,  mead, 
timber  products,  spices,  and  hemp  are  mentioned 
as  important  articles  of  the  southern  trade.  ^ 
There  was  also,  we  may  infer,  something  of  a 
market  for  Danish  products.  At  all  times,  the 
intercourse  seems  to  have  been  peaceful;  Danes 
and  Wends  appear  to  have  lived  side  by  side  on  the 
best  of  terms.  The  Germans,  on  the  other  hand, 
were  not  regarded  with  much  favour  by  their 
Slavic  neighbours.     The  feeling  of  hostility  and 

'  Steenstrup,  Venderne  og  de  Danske,  3. 

'  Ibid.,  24-25. 

»  Danmarks  Riges  Historic,  i.,  322-323. 


154  Canute  the  Great  [ioi9- 

hatred  that  the  Wend  cherished  was  reciprocated 
on  the  German  side;  the  German  mind  scarcely- 
thought  of  the  Slav  as  within  the  pale  of  htimanity. 
The  most  famous  of  all  Danish  settlements  in 
these  regions  was  Jom,  a  stronghold  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Oder,  sometimes  called  Jumne, 
Jumneta,  or  Julin.  In  the  eleventh  century  Jom 
was  a  great  city  as  cities  went  in  those  days, 
though  it  was  probably  not  equal  to  its  reputation. 
The  good  Master  Adam,  who  has  helped  us  to  so 
much  information  regarding  Northern  lands  and 
conditions  in  his  century,  speaks  of  the  city  in 
the  following  terms: 

It  is  verily  the  greatest  city  in  Europe.  It  is 
inhabited  by  Slavs  and  other  peoples,  Greeks  and 
barbarians.  For  even  the  Saxons  who  have  settled 
there  are  permitted  to  live  with  the  rest  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  same  rights;  though,  indeed,  only  so  long 
as  they  refrain  from  public  profession  of  their  Christian 
faith.  For  all  the  inhabitants  are  still  chained  to  the 
errors  of  heathen  idolatry.  In  other  respects,  espe- 
cially as  to  manners  and  hospitality,  a  more  obliging 
and  honourable  people  cannot  be  found.* 

The  city  was  located  on  the  east  side  of  the 
island  of  WoUin,  where  the  village  of  WolHn  has 
since  been  built.  For  its  time  it  enjoyed  a  very 
favourable  location.  Built  on  an  island,  it  was 
fairly  safe  from  land  attacks,  while  its  position 
some  distance  from  the  sea  secured  it  from  the 

»  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  19. 


10251  The  Beginnings  of  Empire  155 

common  forms  of  piracy.'  Back  into  the  land 
ran  the  great  river  highway,  the  Oder,  while  a 
few  miles  to  the  north  lay  the  Baltic  with  its  long 
coast  line  to  the  east,  the  west,  and  the  north. 

To  secure  Danish  influence  in  the  city,  Harold 
Bluetooth  built  the  famous  fortress  of  Jomburg 
and  garrisoned  it  with  a  carefully  chosen  band 
of  warriors,  later  known  as  the  Jomvikings. 
According  to  saga,  Palna  Toki,  the  viking  who 
is  reputed  to  have  slain  King  Harold,  was  the 
founder  and  chief  of  the  brotherhood;  but  the 
castle  probably  existed  before  Toki  became 
prominent  in  the  garrison,  if  he  ever  was  a  member. 
The  fortress  was  located  north  of  Jom  near  the 
modem  village  of  WoUin,  where  abimdant  archaeo- 
logical evidence  has  definitely  identified  the  site.' 
The  harbour  or  bay  that  served  as  such  has  since 
filled  with  the  rubbish  of  time;  but  in  the  tenth 
century  it  is  reported  to  have  had  a  capacity  of 
three  hundred  dragons. 

The  existence  of  a  military  guild  at  Jomburg 
seems  well  attested.  Only  men  of  undoubted 
bravery  between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  fifty 
years  were  admitted  to  membership;  and,  in  the 
admission,  neither  kinship  nor  friendship  nor 
considerations  of  exalted  birth  should  be  taken 
into  account.  As  members  of  the  brotherhood, 
all  the  Jomvikings  assumed  the  duties  of  mutual 

»  Steenstrup,  Venderne  og  de  Danske,  33-34. 
»  Danmarks  Riges  Historic,  i.,  325-326.     Steenstrup,  Venderne 
og  de  Danske,  49. 


156  Camite  the  Great  (1019- 

support  and  the  revenge  of  a  fallen  comrade. 
Strict  discipline  was  enjoined  in  the  fortress; 
absence  for  more  than  three  days  at  a  time  was 
forbidden;  no  women  were  to  be  admitted  to  the 
castle.  There  was  to  be  no  toleration  of  quarrel- 
some behaviour;  plunder,  the  fruitful  source  of 
contention,  was  to  be  distributed  by  lot.  In  all 
disputes  the  chief  was  the  judge.'' 

It  seems  evident  that  the  chief  of  these  vikings 
was  something  more  than  the  captain  of  a  garrison ; 
he  bore  the  earl's  title  and  as  such  must  have  had 
territorial  authority  in  and  about  the  city.  Sup- 
ported by  the  Jomvikings  he  soon  began  to  assert 
an  independence  far  beyond  what  the  Danish 
kings  had  intended  that  he  should  possess.  How- 
ever, till  the  death  of  Harold  Bluetooth,  the 
brotherhood  appears  to  have  been  fairly  loyal  to 
their  suzerain;  it  was  to  Jomburg  that  the  aged 
King  fled  when  his  son  rebelled  against  him ;  it  was 
there  that  he  died  after  the  traitor's  arrow  had 
given  him  the  fatal  wound.  The  rebel  Sweyn  was 
not  immediately  recognised  by  the  Earl  at  Jom; 
the  vikings  are  said  to  have  defied  him,  to  have 
captured  him  and  carried  him  off.  Only  on  the 
promises  of  marriage  to  Gunhild,  the  sister  of  Earl 
Sigvaldi's  wife,  and  of  the  payment  of  a  huge 
ransom,  was  he  permitted  to  return  to  his  throne. 
The  saga  story  has  probably  a  great  measure  of 
truth  in  it.  Sweyn  seems  to  have  been  deter- 
mined on  the  destruction  of  the  fraternity,  and  most 

'  Jomsvikingasaga,  c.  24. 


1025]  The  Beginnings  of  Empire  157 

likely  had  some  success ;  for  toward  the  close  of  his 
reign,  we  find  the  Jomvikings  no  longer  terrorising 
the  Baltic  shores,  but  plundering  the  western  isles. 

In  1 02 1,  toward  the  close  of  the  year,  we  read 
of  the  exile  of  Thurkil  the  Tall,  who  will  be  remem- 
bered as  an  old  Jomviking,  the  brother  of  Earl 
Sigvaldi,  and  the  leader  in  the  descent  of  these 
vikings  upon  England  in  1009.  We  do  not  know 
where  the  exile  sought  a  new  home,  but  one  is 
tempted  to  conjecture  that  he  probably  returned 
to  the  old  haunts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Oder.  It 
is  an  interesting  fact  that  a  few  months  later 
Canute  found  it  advisable  to  make  a  journey  to 
that  same  region. 

In  the  entry  for  1022,  the  Chronicler  writes 
that  "in  this  year  King  Canute  fared  out  with  his 
ships  to  Wiht, "  or,  as  one  manuscript  has  it,  to 
"Wihtland. "  Apparently,  the  movement,  what- 
ever it  was,  did  not  interest  the  scribe;  far  more 
important  in  his  eyes  was  the  news  that  Arch- 
bishop Ethelnoth,  when  in  Rome  to  receive  the 
pallium,  was  invited  to  say  mass  in  the  papal 
presence,  and  was  afterwards  permitted  to  con- 
verse with  the  Holy  Father.  Historians  have 
thought  with  the  monk  that  the  journey  with  the 
fleet  can  have  had  but  little  importance,  that  it 
was  merely  a  mobilisation  of  the  navy  at  the  Isle 
of  Wight,  perhaps  for  the  purpose  of  display. 

It  was  the  Danish  historian  Steenstrup  who 
first  suggested  that  Wiht  or  Wihtland  probably  did 
not  mean  Wight  in  this  case,  but  the  old  Witland 


158  Canute  the  Great  (1019- 

that  we  read  of  in  the  writings  of  Alfred:  Wulfstan 
the  wide-farer  informed  the  royal  student  that 
"the  Vistula  is  a  mighty  stream  and  separates 
Witland  from  Wendland  and  Witland  belongs  to 
the  Esthonians. "  ^  Evidently  the  Angles  under- 
stood Witland  to  be  the  regions  of  modem  Prussia 
east  of  the  Vistula.  That  Canute's  expedition 
actually  went  eastward  seems  extremely  probable 
for  we  read  that  the  next  year  he  returned  from 
Denmark  and  had  become  reconciled  with  Earl 
Thurkil.=* 

There  were  Danish  colonies  at  the  mouths  of 
the  Oder,  the  Vistula,  and  the  Duna^;  all  these, 
no  doubt,  submitted  to  the  conqueror  from  Eng- 
land. The  expedition  probably  first  went  to 
Jom  in  Wendland ;  thence  eastward  to  the  Prussian 
regions  of  Witland  and  the  still  more  distant 
Semland,  a  region  near  the  Kurisches  Haff  that  is 
reported  to  have  been  conquered  by  one  of  Harold 
Bluetooth's  sons.''  Canute's  possessions  thus  ex- 
tended along  the  Baltic  shores  from  Jutland  al- 
most to  the  eastern  limits  of  modem  Germany; 
he  may  also  have  had  possessions  farther  up  the 
eastern  coast  of  the  sea.  It  is  not  likely  that  these 
possessions  were  anything  more  than  a  series  of 


*  Normannerne,  iii.,  322-325. 
'Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1023. 

J  Steenstrup,  Normannerne,  i.,  195-199;  Hi.,  322-325. 

*  Saxo,  Gesta  Danorum,  328.  The  Sembrians  are  described  by 
Adamus  in  his  history  (iv.,  c.  18)  as  a  very  barbarous  but  humane 
race. 


1025]  The  Beginnings  of  Empire  159 

stations  and  settlements;  but  these  would  serve 
as  centres  of  influence  from  which  Danish  power 
would  penetrate  into  the  interior  to  the  protection 
of  Danish  trade  and  commerce. 

Later  English  writers  have  a  story  to  tell  of  this 
expedition,  especially  of  the  valorous  part  that  was 
played  by  the  Earl  Godwin.  In  the  expedition 
against  the  Vandals,  Godwin,  without  first  inform- 
ing the  King,  made  a  night  attack  on  the  enemy 
and  put  them  to  rout.  When  Canute  prepared  to 
make  an  attack  early  in  the  morning,  he  missed 
the  English  and  feared  that  they  had  fled  or 
deserted.  But  when  he  came  upon  the  enemy's 
camp  and  found  nothing  there  but  bloody  corpses 
and  plunder,  light  dawned  on  the  King,  and 
he  ever  afterward  held  the  English  in  high 
esteem.^ 

Jomburg  apparently  retained  its  old  pre-emin- 
ence as  the  centre  of  Danish  control  on  the  south- 
em  shore.  The  King's  brother-in-law,  Ulf,  seems 
to  have  been  left  in  control,  probably  with  the 
title  of  earl.  But  after  the  death  of  Thurkil,  who 
had  been  left  as  viceroy  of  Denmark,  Ulf  was  ap- 
parently transferred  to  that  country  and  Canute's 
son  Sweyn,  under  the  guidance  of  his  mother 
Elgiva,  was  appointed  the  King's  lieutenant  in 
Wendland.  ^ 

^  Henry  of  Huntingdon,  Historia  Anglorum,  187.  The  author 
dates  this  expedition  in  1019,  which  is  probably  incorrect.  An 
expedition  to  Wendland  earlier  than  1022  is  quite  unlikely. 

'  Steenstrup,  Venderne  og  de  Danske,  66. 


i6o  Canute  the  Great  [1019- 

The  extension  of  Danish  influence  among  the 
Wends  brought  Denmark  into  closer  contact  and 
relations  with  the  Empire.  Two  years  after 
Canute's  expedition  to  the  Slavic  lands,  Henry 
the  Saint  passed  to  his  reward,  and  Conrad  the 
Salic  succeeded  to  the  imperial  dignities.  On  the 
death  of  Henry  H.  the  great  Polish  Duke  Boleslav 
hastened  to  assiime  the  regal  title,  and  evidently 
planned  to  renounce  the  imperial  suzerainty. 
This  policy  of  hostility  to  the  Empire  was  contin- 
ued by  his  son  and  successor,  Mieczislav,  who  also 
may  have  hoped  to  interest  his  cousin  King  Canute 
in  the  welfare  of  the  new  kingdom. 

Conrad  also  felt  the  need  of  a  close  alliance  with 
the  Danish  conqueror,  and  called  upon  Archbishop 
Unwan  of  Hamburg-Bremen  for  assistance  as  a 
mediator.  Unwan  was  Canute's  friend  and 
succeeded  in  bringing  about  the  desired  under- 
standing. Possibly  the  price  of  the  alliance  may 
have  appealed  to  Canute  as  much  as  the  Arch- 
bishop's arguments;  for  Conrad  bought  the  friend- 
ship of  his  Northern  neighbour  with  the  Mark  of 
Sleswick  to  the  Eider  River.  ^ 

The  exact  date  of  this  alliance  is  a  matter  of 
doubt,  but  the  probabilities  appear  to  favour 
1025,  when  the  Emperor  Conrad  was  in  Saxony. 
Some  historians  believe  that  the  mark  was  not 
ceded  at  this  time  but  ten  years  later,  when  Can- 
ute's daughter  Gunhild  was  betrothed  to  Con- 
rad's son  Henry,  as  Adam  of  Bremen  seems  to 

'  Adamus,  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  54 


1025] 


The  Beginnings  of  Empire 


i6i 


associate  these  two  events. '  But  Adam's  chrono- 
logy is  confused  on  these  matters.  Canute's 
friendship  was  surely  more  difficult  to  purchase  in 
1025  when  his  star  was  rapidly  ascending  than  in 
1035  when  his  empire  had  begun  to  collapse. 
While  we  cannot  be  sure,  it  seems  extremely  likely 
that  the  boundary  of  Denmark  was  extended  to  the 
Eider  in  1025. 

'  See  Manitius,  Deutsche  Geschichte  unter  den  sdchsischen  und 
salischen  Kaisern,  370. 


DANISH   COINS   FROM    THE   REIGN   OF 

CANUTE,   MINTED   AT   LUND, 

ROESKILDE,    RINGSTED 


CHAPTER  VII 

CANUTE  AND  THE  ENGLISH  CHURCH 

loi 7-1026 

THE  English  Church  enjoyed  Canute's  favour 
from  the  very  beginning:  the  King  was  a 
Christian;  furthermore,  he  no  doubt  saw  in  the 
Church  a  mighty  force  that  shoiild  not  be  antagon- 
ised. At  the  same  time,  there  is  no  evidence  of  any 
close  union  between  church  and  monarchy  before 
1020;  and  even  then  it  was  more  like  an  entente 
cordiale  than  an  open  aggressive  alliance,  as  it 
later  came  to  be.  Canute  was  a  Christian,  but 
he  was  also  a  shrewd  statesman  and  a  consummate 
politician.  The  religious  situation  among  his 
Danish  supporters  in  England  as  well  as  the  general 
religious  and  political  conditions  in  the  North 
probably  made  it  inexpedient,  perhaps  impossible, 
to  accede  to  the  full  demands  of  the  Church  with- 
out danger  to  his  ambitions  and  probable  ruin  to 
his  imperialistic  plans. 

When  the  eleventh  century  opened,  the  North 
was  still  largely  heathen.  Missionaries  had  been 
at   work   for   nearly   two    centuries — ever   since 

162 


O  ^  = 

Q.  I-  >. 

0  2  « 

1  UJ  flQ 
CO  O  „ 


2  = 


[1017-10261  Canute  and  the  English  Church    163 

Saint  Ansgar  entered  the  Scandinavian  mission 
field  in  the  days  of  Louis  the  Pious — and  the  faith 
had  found  considerable  foothold  in  Denmark, 
especially  on  the  Jutish  peninsula.  Canute's 
father  Sweyn  had  been  baptised ;  but  other  indica- 
tions of  his  Christian  faith  are  difficult  to  find. 
His  queen,  Sigrid  the  Haughty,  was  almost  vio- 
lent in  her  devotion  to  the  old  gods.  Sweden 
remained  overwhelmingly  heathen  for  some  years 
yet,  while  the  progress  of  the  Church  in  Norway 
depended  on  royal  mandates  supported  by  the 
sword  and  the  firebrand.  Only  five  years  before 
the  death  of  Canute,  Norse  heathendom  won  its 
last  notable  victory,  when  Saint  Olaf  fell  before 
the  onslaught  of  the  yeomanry  at  Stiklestead 
(1030). 

The  army  that  conquered  England  for  Canute 
was  no  doubt  also  largely  heathen.  It  seems, 
therefore,  safe  to  assume  that  during  the  early 
years  of  the  new  reign,  the  worship  of  the  Anse-gods 
was  carried  on  in  various  places  on  English  soil; 
surely  in  the  Danish  camps,  perhaps  also  in  some 
of  the  Danish  settlements.  This  situation  com- 
pelled the  Christian  King  to  be  at  least  tolerant. 
Soon  there  began  to  appear  at  the  English  court 
prominent  exiles  from  Norway,  hot-headed  chiefs, 
whose  sense  of  independence  had  been  outraged 
by  the  zealous  missionary  activities  of  Olaf  the 
Stout.'  Canute  had  not  been  lord  of  England 
more  than  six  or  seven  years  before  the  Norwegian 

»  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  cc.  130, 131, 139. 


164  Canute  the  Great  11017- 

problem  began  to  take  on  unusual  interest. 
Before  long  the  missionary  King  found  his  throne 
completely  undermined  by  streams  of  British  gold. 
The  exiles  who  sought  refuge  at  Winchester  and 
the  men  who  bore  the  bribe-money  back  to  Norway 
were  scarcely  enthusiastic  for  the  faith  that  frowned 
on  piracy;  consequently  it  continued  to  be  neces- 
sary for  Canute  to  play  the  r61e  of  the  tolerant, 
broad-minded  monarch,  who,  while  holding  firmly 
to  his  own  faith,  was  unwilling  to  interfere  with  the 
religious  rites  of  others.  In  his  later  ecclesiastical 
legislation,  Canute  gave  the  Church  aU  the  enact- 
ments that  it  might  wish  for;  but  it  is  a  significant 
fact  that  these  laws  did  not  come  before  the 
Northern  question  had  been  settled  according  to 
Canute's  desires  and  his  viceroy  was  ruling  in 
Norway.  Edgar's  laws,  which  were  re-enacted  in 
1018,  at  the  Oxford  assembly,  deal  with  the  matter 
of  Christianity  in  general  terms  only.  The  more 
explicit  and  extensive  Church  legislation  of  Ethel- 
red's  day  was  set  aside  and  apparently  remained  a 
dead  letter  until  it  was  in  large  measure  re-enacted 
as  a  part  of  Canute's  great  church  law  late  in  the 
reign. 

The  early  surroundings  of  the  King  had  not 
been  such  as  to  develop  in  him  the  uncompromis- 
ing zeal  that  characterised  the  typical  Christian 
monarch  in  mediaeval  times.  We  do  not  know 
when  he  was  baptised;  it  may  have  been  in  child- 
hood, and  it  must  have  been  before  the  conquest 
of   England,    as    the    Christian   name    Lambert* 


1026]      Canute  and  the  English  Church       165 

which  was  added  in  baptism  to  the  heathen  name 
by  which  we  know  him,  would  suggest  that  the 
rite  was  administered  by  a  German  ecclesiastic.^ 
It  is  believed  that  he  was  confirmed  by  Ethelnoth 
the  Good,  the  English  churchman  who  later  be- 
came Archbishop  of  Canterbury.*  We  do  not 
know  when  the  rite  of  confirmation  was  adminis- 
tered, but  the  probabilities  point  to  the  winter 
months  of  1015-1016;  for  during  these  months 
Canute  was  several  times  in  South-western  England 
where  Ethelnoth  lived  at  the  time 

The  subjection  of  England  to  an  alien,  half- 
heathen  aristocracy  must  have  caused  many 
difficulties  to  the  English  Church.  How  the  prob- 
lems were  met  we  do  not  know.  The  Mediasval 
Church,  however,  was  usually  to  be  found  on  the 
side  of  power:  the  Church  loved  order  and  believed 
in    supporting    good    and    efficient    government 

'  Adamus,  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  50:  schol.  38.  It  seems  to  have  been 
customary  to  add  a  Christian  name  in  baptism. 

There  is  an  allusion  to  Canute's  conversion  in  the  Chronicle 
of  Ad^mar  de  Chabannes  (ii.,  c.  55),  who  seems  to  believe  that 
Canute  became  a  Christian  after  the  conquest  of  England.  But 
the  authority  of  the  Aquitanian  chronicler,  though  contemporary, 
cannot  be  so  weighty  as  that  of  the  records  of  the  church  of  Bremen 
which  the  SchoUast  seems  to  have  used  in  the  entry  cited  above. 
For  Ad^mar's  statement  see  Waitz,  Scriptores  {M.  G.H.),  iv.,  140. 

'Langebek,  Scriptores,  ii.,  454:  Osbern's  tract  concerning  the 
translation  of  Saint  Alphege.  Osbern  tells  us  that  Ethelnoth  was 
dear  to  Canute  because  he  had  anointed  him  with  the  sacred 
chrism.  This  cannot  refer  to  his  coronation,  nor  is  it  likely  to 
have  reference  to  his  baptism,  as  Ethelnoth,  would  scarcely  have 
given  Canute  a  German  name.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  it  must 
allude  to  his  confirmation. 


1 66  Canute  the  Great  [1017- 

whenever  circumstances  woiild  permit  it.  Soon 
after  the  meeting  at  Oxford,  apparently  in  1019, 
Archbishop  Liiing  made  a  journey  to  Rome;  we 
may  conjecture  that  he  went  to  seek  counsel  and 
to  obtain  instructions  as  to  what  attitude  the 
English  clergy  should  assume  toward  the  new 
powers,  but  we  do  not  know.  It  is  clear,  however, 
that  the  subject  was  seriously  discussed  at  the 
papal  court,  for  the  archbishop  brought  back  a 
letter  to  Canute  exhorting  him  to  practise  the 
virtues  of  Christian  kingship.  It  must  have 
flattered  the  young  Dane  to  receive  this,  for  he 
refers  to  it  in  his  Proclamation : 

I  have  taken  to  heart  the  written  words  and  verbal 
messages  that  Archbishop  Lifing  brought  me  from  the 
pope  from  Rome,  that  I  should  everywhere  extol 
the  praise  of  God,  put  away  injustice,  and  promote 
full  security  and  peace,  so  far  as  God  should  give  me 
strength.  ^ 

That  same  year  the  venerable  Primate  died,  and 
Ethelnoth  the  Good  was  appointed  to  succeed 
him  as  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.^  The  choice 
was  evidently  the  King's  own  and  the  two  men 
seem  to  have  laboured  together  in  singular 
harmony.  But  though  Ethelnoth  was  primate, 
the  dominant  influence  at  court  seems  to  have 
been  that  of  an  abbot  in  Devonshire.  When 
Abbot  Lifing  was  yet  only  a  monk  at  Winchester, 

'  Liebermann,  Geschichte  der  Angelsachsen,  i.,  273. 
*  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  183. 


1026]      Canute  and  the  English  Church       167 

he  seems  to  have  attracted  the  King's  attention ; 
at  any  rate,  we  are  told  by  the  historian  of  Malmes- 
bury  that  he  became  an  intimate  friend  of  Canute 
and  exerted  great  influence  with  him.  ^  It  may 
have  been  this  friendship  that  secured  to  Lifing 
the  abbacy  of  Tavistock,  perhaps  in  1024,  in 
which  year  he  witnessed  charters  for  the  first  time 
as  abbot. 

Lifing's  advance  to  power  was  rapid.  Two  years 
after  his  first  appearance  in  the  documents  as 
abbot,  we  find  that  he  had  been  elevated  to  the 
episcopal  office,  having  probably  been  advanced 
to  the  see  of  Crediton.*  The  Devonshire  country 
had  been  the  centre  of  a  persistent  anti-Danish 
movement,  it  appears,  and  it  was  surely  a  prudent 
move  to  place  a  strong  partisan  of  the  new  order 
in  control  of  the  Church  in  the  southwestern  shires. 
In  the  same  year,  the  King  further  honoured  him 
with  landed  estates  in  Hampshire.  This  must 
have  been  just  prior  to  the  Holy  River  campaign 
in  Sweden,  on  which  expedition  the  bishop  prob- 
ably accompanied  his  royal  master  (William  of 
Malmesbury  tells  us  that  he  frequently  went  to 
Denmark  with  Canute) ;  at  all  events,  when  Canute 
without  first  returning  to  England  made  his 
journey  to  Rome,  in  the  early  months  of  1027,  the 

» Gesta  Pontificum,  200. 

'  Kemble,  Codex  Diplomaticus,  No.  743.  Florence  of  Worcester, 
Chronicon,  i.,  185.  To  this  he  afterwards  added  the  see  of 
Worcester,  to  which  he  was  appointed  by  Harold  in  1038.  Ibid., 
193- 


1 68  Canute  the  Great  [ioi7- 

bishop  of  Crediton  was  an  important  member  of 
the  King's  retinue.  It  was  Bishop  Lifing  who 
was  sent  back  to  England  with  Canute's  famous 
message  to  the  English  Church  and  people,  the 
King  himself  going  on  to  Denmark.  William  of 
Malmesbury  describes  him  as  a  violent,  wilful, 
and  ambitious  prelate;  when  he  died  (in  1046) 
the  earth  took  proper  notice  and  trembled  through- 
out all  England.' 

The  year  1020  was  one  of  great  significance  for 
English  history  in  the  reign  of  Canute.  In  that 
year  he  returned  to  England  as  Danish  king;  in 
that  same  year  he  issued  his  Proclamation  to  his 
Anglian  subjects  and  announced  his  new  govern- 
mental policy;  the  same  year  saw  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  new  and  friendly  primate  of  the  Anglican 
Church ;  in  that  year,  too,  began  a  series  of  bene- 
factions and  other  semi-religious  acts  that  made 
Canute's  name  dear  to  the  English  churchmen 
and  secured  him  the  favour  of  monastic  chroniclers. 
These  took  various  forms:  new  foundations  were 
established  and  many  of  the  older  ones  received 
increased  endowments;  monasteries  that  had  been 
defiled  or  destroyed  in  the  Danish  raids  were 
repaired  or  rebuilt;  the  fields  where  the  Lord  of 
Hosts  had  given  the  victory  to  Canute's  armies 
were  adorned  with  churches  where  masses  were 
said  for  the  souls  of  the  slain;  saints  were  hon- 
oured; pilgrimages  were  made;  heathen  practices 
were  outlawed. 

» Gesta  Pontificum,  200-201. 


1026]      Canute  and  the  English  Church       169 

The  series  properly  begins  with  the  consecration 
of  the  church  on  Ashington  field  in  1020.  The 
church  itself  was  apparently  a  modest  structure, 
but  the  dedication  ceremonies  were  elaborate. 
As  the  primacy  was  evidently  vacant  at  the  time, 
Archbishop  Lifing  having  died  about  mid-year 
(June  12), ^  the  venerable  Wulfstan  of  the  northern 
province  was  called  on  to  officiate.  With  him 
were  nimierous  ecclesiastics,  bishops,  abbots,  and 
monks.  King  Canute  and  Earl  Thurkil  also 
graced  the  occasion  with  their  presence.*  It  is 
interesting  to  note  that  the  office  of  chapel  priest 
at  Ashington  was  given  to  a  clerk  of  Danish  blood, 
the  later  prelate  Stigand,  one  of  the  few  Danes 
who  have  held  ecclesiastical  offices  in  England. 
Stigand  for  a  time  sat  on  the  episcopal  throne  in 
the  cathedrals  of  Winchester  and  Canterbury. 
Doubtless  a  Dane  could  perform  the  offices  on  this 
particular  field  with  a  blither  spirit  than  a  native 
Englishman.  If  the  intention  was  to  impress 
the  English  Church,  Canute  clearly  succeeded. 
Though  details  are  wanting,  it  is  understood  that 
similar  foundations  soon  graced  the  other  fields 
where  Canute  had  fought  and  won. 

In  that  same  year,  apparently,  monks  were 
substituted  for  secular  clerks  as  guardians  of 
Saint  Edmimd's  shrine.  Grievously  had  the 
Danes  sinned  against  the  holy  East  Anglian  King. 
Five  generations  earlier  he  had  suffered  ignomini- 

'  Stubbs,  Registrum  Sacrum  AngUcanum,  31. 
'Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1020. 


170  Canute  the  Great  [1017- 

ous  martjn-dom  at  the  hands  of  the  vikings.  The 
saint  had  again  suffered  outrage  in  the  closing 
months  of  King  Sweyn's  Ufe  by  what  seemed  to  be 
petty  persecution  of  the  priests  who  served  at 
his  sacred  shrine.  As  we  have  already  seen,  the 
King's  sudden  death  while  the  matter  of  tribute 
was  still  unsettled  gave  rise  to  the  legend  that 
Saint  Edmimd  struck  down  the  Dane  "in  like  man- 
ner as  the  holy  Mercurius  slew  the  nithing  Julian. " 
It  was  charged  that  the  priests  of  the  holy  place 
led  disorderly  lives,  and  on  the  advice  of  the 
neighbouring  bishop,  Elfwine  of  Elmham,  it  was 
determined  to  eject  them.  Earl  Thurkil's  con- 
sent was  asked  and  received.  Monks  to  the 
number  of  twenty  were  brought  from  Saint  Benet 
Hulme  and  Ely.  *  The  same  year  a  new  church 
was  begim,  that  the  relics  of  the  mart3nr  might 
have  a  more  suitable  home.  The  monks  naturally 
organised  themselves  into  a  monastic  community, 
which  seems  to  have  enjoyed  full  immunity  from 
the  very  beginning:  a  trench  was  rim  around 
Saint  Edmund's  chapel  on  the  edge  of  which  all 
tax-gathering  was  to  stop.  In  addition  it  is  said 
that  the  Lady  Emma  pledged  an  annual  gift  of 
four  thousand  eels  from  Lakenheath,  though  this 
was  probably  a  later  contribution.  The  brethren 
of  the  monastery  also  claimed  that  Canute  granted 
them  extensive  jurisdiction  over  the  manors  that 
belonged  to  the  new  foundation.  =*     It  is  evident 

*  Memorials  of  Saint  Edmund's  Abbey,  I.,  xxvii,  47,  126. 
» Ibid.,  i.,  343. 


1026]      Canute  and  the  English  Church       171 

that  large  endowments  were  given  and  Canute  in 
this  way  became  in  a  sense  the  founder  of  one  of  the 
most  important  sanctuaries  of  mediaeval  England. 

William  of  Malmesbury  tells  us  that  Canute  dis- 
liked the  English  saints,  but  the  evidence  indicates 
the  contrary.  The  only  instance  of  ill-will  re- 
corded is  in  the  case  of  Saint  Edith,  King  Edgar's 
holy  daughter.  Saint  Edith  rested  at  Wilton, 
where  there  was  a  religious  house  for  women  that 
had  enjoyed  her  patronage.  Canute  expressed  a 
doubt  as  to  the  sanctity  of  a  daughter  of  the  im- 
moral Edgar  and  ordered  the  shrine  to  be  opened. 
The  offended  princess  arose,  we  are  told,  and  struck 
the  impious  King  in  the  face.*  Canute  acknow- 
ledged his  error  and  did  penance.  There  may  be 
some  truth  in  the  story  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the 
King's  hostility  or  incredulity,  for  Saint  Edith  was 
the  sister  of  Canute's  old  enemy,  King  Ethelred. 

It  may  have  been  the  vigorous  argument  of 
Saint  Edith,  or  genuine  piety,  or  political  considera- 
tions that  wrought  the  change,  but  it  is  clear  that 
Canute  soon  developed  a  profound  respect  for 
the  saints  that  rested  in  England.  He  caused  the 
relics  of  Saint  Wistan  to  be  translated  from 
Repingdon  to  a  more  suitable  home  in  the  honoured 
abbey  of  Evesham.^  The  remains  of  Saint  Felix 
were  brought  back  to  Ramsey  in  the  face  of  strong 
opposition  from  the  jealous  monks  of  Ely.^    On 

'  William  of  Malmesbury,  Gesta  Pontificum,  190. 
'  Chronicon  Abbatia  de  Evesham,  325-326. 
3  Historia  Rameseiensis,  127-128. 


172  Canute  the  Great  [iot7- 

one  of  his  northern  journeys  the  King  turned 
aside  to  Durham  to  adore  the  bones  of  the  mighty 
Saint  Cuthbert.  Five  miles  did  the  King  walk 
with  bare  feet  to  the  Durham  sepulchre,  and  after 
showing  proper  respect  and  veneration,  he  con- 
cluded his  visit  with  a  royal  gift  of  lands,  two 
manors,  we  are  told,  with  all  their  belongings.^ 
Toward  the  close  of  his  reign,  by  legislative  act, 
he  gave  the  strenuous  Dunstan  a  place  on  the 
calendar  of  English  saints.^ 

By  far  the  most  famous  act  of  homage  of  this 
sort  was  the  translation  of  Saint  Alphege  from 
London  to  Canterbury  in  1023,  famous  not  be- 
cause of  its  peciiliar  importance,  but  because 
certain  literary  monks  saw  fit  to  write  long  ac- 
counts of  it.  This,  too,  was  an  act  of  expiation: 
so  far  as  the  sins  of  Canute's  people  were  concerned 
the  case  of  Bishop  Alphege  was  much  like  that  of 
the  martyred  King  Edmund.  Alphege  was  from 
Western  England  and  became  a  monk  at  Deerhurst 
in  Gloucestershire.  He  was  for  a  time  abbot  of 
Bath  and  later  bishop  of  Winchester.  It  was 
he  who  confirmed  Olaf  Trygvesson  and  thus 
indirectly  began  the  work  that  resulted  in  the 
conversion  of  Norway.  As  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury he  seems  to  have  taken  a  pastoral  interest  in 
the  Danish  besiegers,  for  which  he  was  rewarded 
with  indignities  and  death.  His  bones  had  been 
laid  at  rest  at  Saint  Paul's  in  London;  but  Canter- 

'  Simeon  of  Durham,  Opera  Omnia,  i.,  90. 

'  Liebermann,  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  i.,  298. 


1026]      Canute  and  the  English  Church       173 

bury  was  naturally  anxious  to  have  her  first  mar- 
tyred bishop  in  her  own  house,  while  London,  on 
the  other  hand,  is  said  to  have  watched  over  the 
sacred  remains  with  a  jealous  care  that  bore  the 
marks  of  avarice  rather  than  of  veneration. 

We  are  told  that  Canute  earlier  had  formed  the 
purpose  of  translating  the  relics  and  that  certain 
calamities  had  recalled  the  intention  to  his  mind. 
He  suggested  the  project  to  Archbishop  Ethelnoth, 
who  doubted  the  feasibility  of  the  venture.  Ac- 
cording to  the  highly-coloured  report  of  the 
monk  Osbem  who  claims  to  have  his  information 
from  an  eye-witness,  the  King  and  the  Archbishop 
secretly  removed  the  body  from  its  resting-place 
and  gave  it  to  a  monk  who  bore  it  to  the  Thames 
where  the  King's  ship  lay  ready  to  receive  it. 
The  attention  of  the  Londoners  was  diverted  to 
other  parts  of  the  city  by  feigned  excitement  at 
the  farther  gates,  for  which  the  King's  housecarles 
were  responsible.  Meanwhile,  the  royal  ship, 
with  Canute  himself  at  the  rudder,  was  conveying 
the  remains  to  Southwark,  where  they  were  given 
into  the  keeping  of  the  Archbishop  and  his  com- 
panions, who  bore  them  joyfully  on  to  Rochester. 
Here  the  party  was  joined  by  Queen  Emma  and 
the  five-year-old  princeling  Harthacanute  accom- 
panied by  a  strong  force  of  housecarles.  The 
translation  was  effected  in  Jime  and  occupied 
seven  days.* 

'  Most  of  these  details  are  from  Osbem's  tract  on  the  life  and 
translation  of   Saint  Alphege.     See   Langebek,   Scriptores,   ii.. 


174  Canute  the  Great  [ioi7- 

The  Dane's  interest  in  the  Church  also  expressed 
itself  in  frequent  and  important  endowments. 
While  it  is  not  always  possible  to  verify  these 
grants,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  monastic 
records  are  usually  correct  on  the  points  of  pos- 
session and  donors,  though  the  extant  charters 
are  frequently  forgeries  produced  at  a  time  when 
titles  were  called  into  question.  In  some  of  these 
gifts,  too,  we  see  clearly  a  desire  to  atone  for  past 
wrongs.  Canterbury,  which  had  suffered  heavy 
losses  at  the  hands  of  Thurkil  and  his  wild  com- 
rades, was  assured  of  its  liberties  and  immunities 
early  in  the  reign.  *  Another  act  of  expiation  was 
the  visit  and  gift  to  Glastonbury,  the  famous 
monastery  that  had  received  the  bones  of  Edmund 
Ironside.  A  century  after  Canute's  time  Edmund's 
grave  was  covered  with  a  "paU  of  rich  materials, 
embroidered  with  figures  of  peacocks."  Legend 
ascribes  the  gift  to  Canute,  and  may  in  this  case 
be  trustworthy.  With  the  King  at  Edmund's 
grave  stood  Archbishop  Ethelnoth,  who  was  at 
one  time  a  monk  at  Glastonbury.'  The  visit 
seems  to  have  been  made  in  1026,  perhaps  on  the 
eve  of  Canute's  expedition  against  the  Norwegians 
and  Swedes. 

Perhaps  Canute's  most  famous  gift  was   the 

or  Wharton's  Anglia  Sacra,  ii.  The  account  in  the  Chronicle  is 
briefer  but  more  reliable. 

'  Kemble,  Codex  Diplomaticus,  Nos.  727  and  731;  of  these  the 
former  is  scarcely  genuine. 

'  William  of  Msdmesbury,  Gesta  Regwn,  i.,  224. 


1026]      Canute  and  the  English  Church       175 

golden  cross  at  Winchester.  Some  time  in  the 
early  years  of  his  reign,  apparently  in  1019, 
probably  just  before  his  visit  to  Denmark,  he  gave 
to  the  New  Minster  a  "magnificent  golden  cross, 
richly  ornamented  with  precious  stones";  in  ad- 
dition to  this,  "two  large  images  of  gold  and  silver, 
and  sundry  relics  of  the  saints."^  It  seems  to 
have  been  a  gorgeous  present,  one  that  was  keenly 
appreciated  by  the  recipients,  and  the  history  of 
which  was  long  recounted.  The  gift  was  apparent- 
ly accompanied  by  a  donation  of  valuable  lands.' 

Canute  also  showed  an  interest  in  the  monastery 
of  Saint  Benet  Hulme,  to  which  three  manors 
were  given.  ^  It  is  claimed  that  he  granted  certain 
immunities  to  the  church  of  Saint  Mary  Devon 
in  Exeter,  but  the  evidence  is  not  trustworthy.'* 
The  great  abbey  of  Evesham  was  not  forgotten: 
the  blessed  Wistan  was  given  a  black  chasuble 
and  other  ornaments,  probably  at  the  time  of  his 
translation,  s  It  may  be  that  in  making  this  gift 
the  King  wished  to  show  his  appreciation  of  the 
abbot  as  well  as  to  honour  the  saint:  Abbot 
Elf  ward  is  said  to  have  been  Canute's  cousin; 
if  such  was  the  case  he  must  have  been  the  son 
of  the  ill-starred  Pallig. 

Gifts  there  also  were  of  a  more  personal  charac- 
ter, gifts  to  various  ecclesiastics,  monks,  and  priests 
whom  the  King  wished  to  honour;  especially  may 

*  Liber  de  Hyda,  xxxvi.  » Ibid.,  324. 
3  Kemble,  Codex  Diplomaiicus ,  No.  740. 

*  Ibid.,  No.  729.         5  Chronicon  Abbatia  de  Evesham,  83. 


176  Canute  the  Great  [lot?- 

we  mention  the  grants  to  Bishop  Burhwold  and 
to  Bishop  Lifing.*  But  such  donations  were  not 
numerous;  Canute  seems  to  have  preferred  to 
honour  foundations,  probably  because  in  mediaeval 
times  the  institution  was  of  greater  consequence 
than  the  individual. 

The  gifts  enumerated  were  made  during  the 
first  half  of  the  reign.  Grants  were  made  in  the 
second  period  as  well:  Abingdon  claims  to  have 
enjoyed  his  favour*;  the  Old  Minster  at  Winchester 
was  endowed  with  lands  and  adorned  with  speci- 
mens of  the  goldsmith's  art^;  a  considerable  gift 
of  lands  was  made  to  York  cathedral'*;  but  these 
seem  to  reveal  a  different  spirit  and  purpose  in  the 
giver.  Before  his  career  closed  the  great  Dane 
became  an  ardent  Christian;  but  in  his  earlier 
years,  the  politician  left  little  room  to  the  church- 
man: the  Church  was  a  factor  merely,  though  a 
great  factor,  in  the  political  situation.  Other 
kings  have  gloried  in  new  foundations  as  monu- 
ments to  religious  zeal;  Canute  selected  the  long- 
established,  the  widely-influential  shrines  and 
houses  and  gave  his  favour  chiefly  to  them.  In 
return  he  doubtless  expected  the  favour  of  Saints 
Cuthbert,  Alphege,  Edmund,  Felix,  and  Dunstan, 
and  the  support  of  Canterbury,  Evesham,  Win- 
chester, and  the  other  great  institutions  that  he 

^  Kemble,  Codex  Diplomaticus,  Nos.  728,  743. 
'  Chronicon  Monasterii  de  Abingdon,  i.,  434  ff. 

*  Annates  Monastici,  ii.,  16. 

*  Kemble,  Codex  Diplomaticus,  No.  749. 


1026]      Canute  and  the  English  Church       177 

endowed.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  nearly  all  the 
institutions  that  shared  the  royal  bounty  were 
located  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  South  where  Canute 
especially  needed  to  build  up  a  personal  following. 
The  exceptions  were  York,  Durham,  and  Coventry 
where  the  faithful  rejoiced  in  an  arm  of  Saint 
Augustine,  a  relic  of  peculiar  value  that  Canute 
is  said  to  have  bestowed  on  the  city.  ^ 

Whatever  his  motives  were,  it  is  clear  that 
Canute  showed  an  interest  in  matters  ecclesiastical 
far  beyond  what  the  Church  might  reasonably 
expect  from  a  king  whose  training  had  scarcely 
been  positively  Christian,  and  who  still  kept  in 
close  touch  with  the  non-Christian  influences 
that  dominated  so  much  of  the  North.  Still, 
one  desire  remained  unsatisfied :  thus  far  the  King 
had  done  nothing  to  make  the  Christian  faith 
compulsory  in  England.  The  Proclamation  of 
1020  looks  in  that  direction;  but  it  contains  no 
decree  of  the  desired  sort.  It  is  a  peculiar  docu- 
ment, remarkable  more  for  what  it  omits  than  for 
what  it  actually  contains.  God's  laws,  by  which 
the  rules  of  the  Church  are  doubtless  meant,  are 
not  to  be  violated;  but  the  important  task  of 
bringing  the  violators  to  justice  is  committed  to  the 
old  pirate,  Thurkil  the  Tall,  whose  appreciation 
of  Christian  virtues  and  divine  commandments 
cannot  have  been  of  the  keenest. '    Certain  charac- 

*  Gervase  of  Canterbury,  Historical  Works,  ii.,  56.  The  arm 
was  brought  to  England  from  Rome  by  Archbishop  Ethehioth. 
William  of  Malmesbury,  Gesta  Regum,  i.,  224.  *  Sec.  9, 


X 


178  Canute  the  Great  [lot?- 

teristically  heathen  sins  are  to  be  avoided :  among 
the  things  forbidden  is  to  consort  with  witches 
and  sorceresses.*  But  the  only  crime  of  this 
nature  for  which  the  document  prescribes  a  specific 
penalty  is  that  of  marrying  a  nun  or  any  other 
woman  who  has  taken  sacred  vows: 

And  if  any  one  has  done  so,  let  him  be  an  outlaw 
before  God  and  excommunicated  from  all  Christen- 
dom, and  let  him  forfeit  all  his  possessions  to  the  king, 
unless  he  quickly  desist  from  sin  and  do  deep  penance 
before  God.' 

It  is  evident,  however,  that  Canute  believed 
that  the  process  of  education  in  the  church  from 
Sunday  to  Sunday  would  eventually  solve  the 
problem  of  heathenism  in  England;  for  he  closes 
his  Proclamation  with  an  exhortation  to  all  his 
subjects  to  attend  faithfully  the  divine  services: 

And  further  stiU  we  admonish  all  men  to  keep  the 
Sunday  festival  with  all  their  might  and  observe  it 
from  Saturday's  noon  to  Monday's  dawning;  and  let 
no  man  be  so  bold  as  to  buy  or  sell  or  to  seek  any  court 
on  that  holy  day. 

And  let  all  men,  poor  and  rich,  seek  their  church 
and  ask  forgiveness  for  their  sins  and  earnestly  keep 
every  ordained  fast  and  gladly  honour  the  saints,  as 
the  mass  priest  shall  bid  us, 

'  Sec.  15.     As  the  term  used  for  sorceress  seems  to  be  Norse, 
this  prohibition  was  evidently  aimed  at  practices  in  the  Danelaw. 
"Sec.  17. 


10261      Canute  and  the  English  Church       179 

that  we  may  all  be  able  and  permitted,  through  the 
mercy  of  the  everlasting  God  and  the  intercession  of 
His  saints,  to  share  the  joys  of  the  heavenly  kingdom 
and  dwell  with  Him  who  liveth  and  reigneth  forever 
without  end.     Amen.' 

*Secs.  18-20. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  TWILIGHT  OF  THE  GODS 

THE  question  what  attitude  to  assume  toward 
the  organised  English  Church  may  have 
caused  Canute  some  embarrassment;  but  the 
English  problem  was  simple  compared  with  the 
religious  compUcations  that  the  young  King  had 
to  face  in  the  North.  England  was  Christian, 
at  least  officially,  while  Scandinavia  was  still 
largely  heathen;  though  every  day  saw  the  camps 
of  Christendom  pitched  a  little  farther  toward  the 
Arctic.  In  all  the  Northern  kingdoms  missionaries 
were  at  work  planting  the  seeds  of  the  new  faith. 
By  the  close  of  the  millenniimi  Christianity  had 
made  great  progress  in  the  Danish  kingdom;  it 
was  firmly  rooted  in  Jutland  and  had  found  a 
foothold  on  the  islands  and  in  Scania.  Amo  g  the 
Norwegians  the  new  worship  had  also  made  some 
progress ;  but  in  Sweden  the  darkness  of  heathen- 
dom still  hung  heavy  and  low. 

Norse  Christianity  doubtless  filtered  in  with  the 
viking  raids:  with  the  plunder  of  the  Catholic 
South  and  West,  the  sea-kings  also  appropriated 
many  of  the  forms  and  ideas  of  Western  civilisation, 

1 80 


o  S 

0  « 

1  J3 

t-  — 


The  Twilight  of  the  Gods  i8i 

and  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  fields  of 
religious  thought  were  neglected  or  overlooked. 
King  Hakon  the  Good  became  a  Christian  at  the 
court  of  his  foster-father,  Ethelstan,  the  grandson 
of  Alfred. '  The  sons  of  Eric  Bloodax  were  also 
baptised  in  England,  where  their  father  had  found 
an  exile's  refuge.'  Olaf  Trygvesson  found  his 
faith  and  his  mission  while  fighting  as  viking  in 
England.  Olaf  the  Saint  received  baptism  in 
Rouen  on  his  return  from  a  raid  as  viking  mercen- 
ary. Thus  Norway  had  been  in  close  touch  with 
the  new  faith  for  nearly  a  century;  and  yet, 
Christianity  had  made  but  little  actual  progress. 
During  the  reign  of  Canute  the  Danish  Church 
reached  the  stage  of  effective  organisation,  while 
in  Norway  the  religious  activities  were  still  of  the 
missionary  type. 

The  forces  of  the  Anse-gods  were  in  retreat  all 
along  the  religious  frontier;  but  it  is  not  to  be 
supposed  that  they  were  panic-stricken.  To  their 
zeal  for  the  ancestral  worship  was  added  a  love 
for  the  conflict  which  inspired  the  faithful  to 
contest  every  inch  of  the  Christian  advance.  The 
challenge  of  Thor  has  a  sort  of  historic  reality  in  it : 

'Snorre,  Saga  oj  Harold  Fairhair,  c.  41.  Hakon's  dates 
according  to  saga  are  935-96 1 .  The  earlier  date  should  probably 
be  corrected  to  945  or  a  later  year,  perhaps  947.  See  Norges 
Historic,  I.,  ii.,  139. 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Hakon  the  Good,  c.  3.  Eric  Bloodax  was 
Hakon's  half-brother.  For  a  time  he  ruled  Northumbria  as 
vassal  of  the  English  King.  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  952.  The 
vassal  relationship  is  asserted  in  the  sagas. 


1 82  Canute  the  Great 

in  a  sense  the  issue  of  religion  was  settled  in  the 
North  by  wager  of  battle.  In  his  admiration  for 
strength  and  force,  many  a  Northman  seemed 
willing  to  follow  the  lead  of  the  stronger  cult. 

The  Anse-faith  of  the  viking  age  seems  to  have 
been  a  development  of  an  ancient  form  of  heaven 
worship  or  possibly  of  sun  worship,  traces  of  which 
have  been  fotmd  in  the  North  from  the  days  of  the 
stone  age.^  In  time  the  deity  came  to  be  viewed 
from  various  angles,  and  each  particular  aspect  was 
individualised  and  made  the  object  of  separate 
worship.  Thus,  apparently,  arose  the  three  great 
divinities,  Thor,  Woden,  and  Frey.  Thor  is  the 
god  of  strength,  the  mighty  defender  of  gods  and 
men.  His  name  (O.  Eng.  Thunor),  his  flaming 
beard,  the  crash  of  his  hammer-stroke  show  that 
the  Thor-conception  was  closely  associated  with 
early  notions  of  thunder  and  lightning.  Similarly, 
the  name  of  Woden'  associates  his  divinity  with 
the  imtamed  forces  of  nature,  the  fury  of  the 
tempest,  the  wrath  of  the  storm.  He  is,  therefore, 
the  god  of  the  battle  rush,  the  divine  force  that 
inspires  the  athletic  frenzy  of  the  berserk.  Thor  is 
armed  with  a  hammer,  Woden  with  a  spear.  Thor 
rides  in  a  cart  drawn  by  rams;  Woden's  mount  is 

'  Montelius,  Kvlturgeschichte  Schwedens,  312.  Two  symbols 
of  sun  worship,  the  wheel  and  the  axe  (the  symbol  of  lightning 
which  later  developed  into  Thor's  hammer),  can  be  traced  back  to 
the  close  of  the  stone  age.  Ibid.,  55.  The  worship  of  the  bright 
sky  may  have  preceded  that  of  the  sun. 

*  German  Wotan.     Cf .  Mod.  Ger.  Wuth. 


The  Twilight  of  the  Gods  183 

a  swift  eight-footed  horse.  But  Woden  is  more 
than  a  mere  god  of  conflict ;  he  is  wise  and  cunning 
and  knows  the  mysteries  of  the  world.  Frey  is 
the  god  of  fruitfulness,  the  sun-god  as  giver  of  life 
and  growth.  He  should  be  worshipped  by  tillers 
of  the  soil. 

In  the  course  of  time,  new  deities  were  admitted 
to  the  Scandinavian  pantheon ;  some  of  these  were 
no  doubt  developed  from  older  conceptions ;  others 
were  evidently  introduced  from  neighbouring 
cults.  Gradually  the  old,  rude  beliefs  came  to  be 
overlaid  with  myths,  a  series  of  strange  tales, 
bold,  strong,  and  weird.  Recent  scholars  have 
held  that  many  of  these  were  borrowed  from  the 
bulging  storehouse  of  Christian  faith  and  legend — 
the  result  of  intellectual  contact  between  the  old 
races  and  the  Norse  immigrant  on  the  Western 
Islands.  *  But  even  where  this  borrowing  can  be 
clearly  traced,  the  modifying  touches  of  the  Norse 
imagination  are  clearly  in  evidence. 

The  Northern  peoples  also  t'eveloped  a  system 
of  ethics  of  which  we  have  a  remarkable  state- 
ment in  the  Eddie  poem,  the  "Song  of  the  High 
One."  While  of  a  lower  character  than  that 
associated  with  Christianity,  it  was,  when  we 
consider  the  soil  from  which  it  sprang,  a  re- 
markable growth.  Candour,  honesty,  courage, 
strength,  fidelity,  and  hospitality  were  enjoined 
and  emphasised.     The  Northman  was  impressed 

'  Particularly  the  late  Sophus  Bugge  in  The  Home  oj  the  Eddie 
Poems  and  elsewhere. 


1 84  Canute  the  Great 

with  the  fact  that  all  things  seem  perishable ;  but 
he  hoped  that  the  fame  of  a  good  life  woiild  con- 
tinue after  death. 

Cattle  die,  kinsmen  die, 

Finally  dies  one-self; 

But  never  shall  perish  the  fame  of  him 

Who  has  won  a  good  renown. 

Cattle  die,  kinsmen  die, 

Finally  dies  one-self; 

But  one  thing  I  know  that  always  remains, 

Judgment  passed  on  the  dead.^ 

But  the  duties  toward  the  hostile  and  the  weak, 
that  Christianity  strove  to  inculcate,  the  North- 
man did  not  appreciate:  slavery  was  common; 
weak  and  imwelcome  children  were  often  exposed 
at  birth;  revenge  was  a  sacred  duty. 

It  is  not  the  intention  to  enter  upon  a  full  dis- 
cussion of  Old  Northern  faith  and  morals:  in  the 
conversion  of  a  people  that  had  reached  the  par- 
ticular stage  of  culture  that  the  Norsemen  occupied 
in  the  eleventh  century,  neither  is  of  prime  import- 
tance.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  vikings  were 
much  interested  in  the  intricacies  of  dogma,  be  it 
heathen  or  Christian.  It  also  seems  unlikely  that 
Christian  morals  as  practised  at  the  time  could 
have  proved  very  attractive.  In  the  life  of  Saint 
Olaf,  for  instance,  there  was  little  that  we  should 
regard  as  saintly,  but  much  that  was  cruel,  sinful, 

I  Hdvamdl,  39-40.     {Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  i  ,  8.) 


The  Twilight  of  the  Gods  185 

and  coarse.  The  Celtic  Church,  with  which  the 
Norwegians  first  came  into  close  contact,  seems  to 
have  put  a  somewhat  liberal  construction  on  the 
ten  commandments.  The  forms  of  worship,  how- 
ever, were  of  the  first  importance:  in  the  gorge- 
ous ritual  of  the  mediaeval  Church  the  heathen 
could  not  fail  to  see  a  tangible  excellence  that  his 
own  rude  worship  did  not  possess. 

The  Anse-f aith  knew  no  priesthood :  the  various 
local  officials  were  charged  with  the  duty  of  per- 
forming the  ancient  rites,  though  some  evidently- 
had  peculiar  responsibilities  in  this  matter.  In 
the  family  the  father  had  certain  sacerdotal  duties. 
The  gods  were  worshipped  in  temples,  though  not 
exclusively  so;  sacred  groves  and  foimtains  were 
also  used  for  such  purposes.  Frequently,  also, 
the  great  hall  of  a  chief  was  dedicated  to  the  gods 
and  used  for  sacrificial  feasts.  * 

Most  famous  of  all  the  Old  Scandinavian  sanc- 
tuaries was  that  at  Upsala  in  Eastern  Sweden, 
built,  we  are  told,  by  the  god  Frey  himself.  It  was 
a  large  wooden  structure,  highly  ornamented  with 
gold.  Within  were  rude  images  of  the  three  major 
divinities,  Thor,  Woden,  and  Frey,  with  Thor's 
image  in  the  chief  place.  Near  the  temple  there 
grew,  according  to  the  account  in  Adam's  chronicle, 
an  exceedingly  large  tree  that  always  kept  its 
verdure,  in  winter  as  well  as  in  summer.  There 
was  also  a  foiuitain  where  the  victims  were  some- 
times drowned;  if  the  corpse  did  not  reappear, 

'  Montelius,  Kulturgeschickte  Schwedens,  321. 


1 86  Canute  the  Great 

the  favour  of  the  gods  was  assured.  In  the  sacred 
grove  about  the  sanctuary,  the  sacrificial  victims 
were  hung — horses,  dogs,  and  other  beasts,  fre- 
quently also  human  beings.  The  corpses  were  not 
removed  but  permitted  to  hang  from  the  trees. 
Adam  reports  that  an  eye-witness  once  counted 
seventy-two  such  sacrificial  victims.* 

Every  ninth  year  the  entire  Swedish  nation  was 
summoned  to  sacrifice  at  Upsala.  The  feast  was 
celebrated  shortly  before  the  vernal  equinox  and 
continued  nine  days.  At  least  one  human  being 
was  sacrificed  each  day.  Great  multitudes  were 
in  attendance — king  and  people  all  sent  their 
offerings  to  Upsala.  It  seems,  however,  that 
Christians  were  released  from  the  duty  of  attend- 
ance on  the  payment  of  money.  ^  It  is  clear 
that  the  gathering  had  a  national  as  well  as  a 
religious  significance.  Elaborate  festivities  were 
combined  with  the  sacrifices. 

Three  times  in  the  year  did  the  Northmen  gather 
in  this  manner  to  feast  and  to  invoke  the  gods: 
at  Yule-tide  in  January,  at  the  vernal  equinox,  and 
late  in  the  autumn.  Of  these  gatherings  the  sagas 
speak  somewhat  explicitly  and  seem  to  give  reliable 
information. 

It  was  the  old  way,  when  a  sacrifice  was  to  be, 
that  all  the  franklins  should  come  to  the  place  where 
the  temple  was,  and  carry  thither  the  victuals  that 
they  wished  to  have  as  long  as  the  feast  lasted.     All 

»  Gesta,  iv.,  c.  27  and  schol.  134,  137.  ^  Ibid. 


The  Twilight  of  the  Gods  187 

were  to  have  a  drinking  together,  and  there  were  also 
slaughtered  all  kinds  of  cattle  and  also  horses. 

And  all  the  blood  that  came  thereof  was  then  called 
sortilege-blood,  and  sortilege-bowls  those  wherein 
the  blood  stood,  and  sortilege-twigs  that  were  made 
like  a  sprinkler.  With  this  blood  were  all  the  altars 
to  be  sprinkled  withal,  and  also  the  walls  of  the  temple 
without  and  within,  and  also  sprinkled  on  the  people, 
but  the  meat  was  seethed  for  the  entertainment  of 
the  people. 

There  had  to  be  fires  in  the  midst  of  the  floor  of  the 
temple,  and  kettles  over  them,  and  the  toasts  were 
carried  across  the  fire. 

And  he  that  made  the  feast  or  was  chief  had  to  make 
a  sign  over  the  toast  and  the  sanctified  meat. 

First  must  come  Woden's  toast:  that  was  drunk  to 
victory  and  power  of  the  king;  and  then  Niard's  toast; 
and  Frey's  toast  fo:pgood  seasons  and  peace. 

It  was  many  men's  wont  to  drink  Brage's  toast 
after  that. 

Men  also  would  drink  a  toast  to  their  kinsmen  that 
had  been  laid  in  their  barrows,  and  that  was  called  the 
memory  toast.  * 

This  description  applies  more  especially  to  the 
great  Yule-festivities,  but  its  more  prominent 
features,  the  gathering,  the  sacrificial  slaughter, 
the  blood-sprinkling,  the  toasts,  and  the  feasting, 
were  evidently  common  usages,  though  places  and 
occasions  probably  developed  varieties  of  custom- 
ary worship.     On  the  same  occasions,   the  will 

'  Vigfusson  and  Powell,  Origines  Jslaitdica,  i.,  309-310.  From 
the  Hakonar  Saga. 


1 88  Canute  the  Great 

of  the  gods  was  ascertained  by  the  casting  of 
lot  or  other  processes  of  sortilege.  Vows  were 
pledged  and  oaths  were  registered. 

A  ring  of  two-ounce  weight  or  more  must  lie  on  the 
altar  in  every  head  temple.  This  ring  every  gode 
(temple-official)  must  carry  in  his  hand  to  any  law- 
moot  that  he  himself  was  to  preside  over,  and  he  must 
first  redden  it  in  the  blood  of  the  sacrificial  beast 
which  he  sacrificed  there  himself. ' 

In  the  myth  Ragnarok  the  Sibyl  has  told  of  the 
end  of  all  things,  even  of  the  divinities;  how  the 
twilight  shall  settle  down  upon  the  life  of  the  Anses ; 
how  their  strength  shall  wither  and  age  steal  upon 
them;  and  how  at  last  Swart,  the  lord  of  the  fire- 
world,  shall  come  to  the  attack  wrapped  in  flames. 

Swart  from  the  south  comes 
With  flaming  sword; 
Bright  from  his  blade 
The  sun  is  blazing. 
Stagger  the  stony  peaks, 
Stumble  the  giants; 
Heroes  fare  Hel-ward 
And  heaven  yawns. ' 

It  is  an  awful  picture  that  the  prophetess  imrolls 
for  us  of  all  the  personified  forces  of  destruction 
mustering  to  do  battle  against  the  gods.     The 

'  Vigfusson  and  Powell,  Origines  Islandica,  i.,  311.  From  the 
Landndma-hoc. 

^  Voluspd,  11.  155-158.     {Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  i.,  199.) 


THE  TJANGVIDE   STONE 
(Monument  from  the  Island  of  Gotland.     The  stone  shows  various  mythological 
*  figures;  see  below,  page  302.) 


The  Twilight  of  the  Gods  189 

forces  of  evil  win,  for  weakness  has  stolen  upon  the 
world  in  the  "twilight"  preceding  the  final  con- 
flict: "an  age  of  lust,  of  ax  and  sword,  and  of 
crashing  shields,  of  wind  and  wolf  ere  the  world 
crumbles."^    Then  comes  the  end  of  all  things: 

Swart  is  the  sun, 
Earth  sinks  in  the  ocean, 
The  shining  stars 
Are  quenched  in  the  sky. 
Smoke  and  steam 
Encircle  the  Ash-tree, 
Flame-tongues  lick 
The  lofty  heaven.' 

The  prophecy  of  destruction  as  well  as  an  ex- 
pressed hope  of  futiu"e  regeneration  shows  quite 
clearly  the  result  of  Christian  influence  on  thought 
and  imagery.  The  poem  must  consequently  have 
been  produced  after  the  North  had  come  under  the 
spell  of  Western  culture,  some  time,  perhaps,  in 
the  tenth  centiuy.  Less  than  a  centiuy  later  the 
"twilight  of  the  gods"  had  set  in. 

The  imion  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  to  the  Danish 
crown  could  not  fail  to  affect  missionary  operations 
in  the  North.  It  would  seem  at  first  sight  as  if 
the  work  would  be  strengthened  and  hastened,  for 
now  the  Christianising  energies  of  Britain  would  be 
added  to  those  of  Germany.  As  a  matter  of  fact 
the  situation  became  more  complex  and  difficult : 

» Voluspd,  11. 133-134.  'Ibid.,  IL  175-178. 


190  Canute  the  Great 

the  union  brought  out  the  question  whether  the 
primacy  of  the  new  chiu'ch  should  belong  to  Ham- 
burg-Bremen or  to  Canterbury.  It  seems  that 
Canute  at  one  time  held  out  hopes  to  Archbishop 
Ethelnoth  of  rising  to  metropolitan  authority 
of  the  Danish  as  well  as  of  the  English  nation. 
Such  an  arrangement  would  seem  natural  and 
highly  desirable:  the  empire  that  Canute  ruled 
from  Winchester  could  be  more  readily  held 
together  if  its  ecclesiastical  concerns  were  all 
directed  from  the  cathedral  at  Canterbury. 

These  new  plans  with  respect  to  the  young 
Danish  Church  apparently  date  from  the  years 
immediately  following  Canute's  return  to  England 
as  Danish  king  (1020).  His  new  interest  in 
English  ecclesiastical  matters  has  been  discussed 
elsewhere.  In  1022,  Ethelnoth  consecrated  three 
bishops  for  Danish  sees:  Gerbrand  for  Zealand 
(Roeskild);  Reginbert  for  Fimen  (Odense);  and 
Bemhard  for  the  Scanian  lands.'  The  sources 
also  state  that  many  other  EngHsh  bishops  were 
sent  to  Denmark  from  England,  but  no  names 
are  given.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  names  given 
above  are  not  Anglo-Saxon  but  German.  It  has 
therefore  been  thought  that  these  bishops  were 
from  Flanders  or  Lorraine,  in  which  regions  there 
was  an  ecclesiastical  movement  of  some  importance 
in  the  days  of  Canute.  ^ 

Of  these  three  the  most  important  was  doubt- 

^  Stubbs,  Registrum  Sacrum  Anglicanum,  33. 
■  Steenstrup,  Normannerne,  iii.,  383. 


The  Twilight  of  the  Gods  191 

less  Gerbrand,  whose  cathedral  was  located  at 
Roeskild,  the  royal  residential  city.  At  this  time 
Unwan  was  archbishop  of  Hamburg-Bremen. 
Unwan  was  an  aggressive  and  ambitious  prelate; 
it  was  not  with  pleasure  that  he  learned  of  the 
new  bishops  from  the  West ;  without  the  North  as 
its  mission-field,  Bremen  would  be  a  sorry  province. 
Bishop  Gerbrand  on  his  journey  to  his  new  parish, 
— he  was  probably  sailing  along  the  German  coast 
according  to  custom, — was  captured  and  brought 
before  Archbishop  Unwan  who  forced  him  to  do 
proper  homage.  Apparently  the  German  Prelate 
made  a  favourable  impression  on  Bishop  Gerbrand 
for  through  his  influence  the  Archbishop  induced 
Canute  to  agree  that  future  bishops  should  be 
consecrated  at  Bremen.^ 

Tradition  is  doubtless  correct  in  ascribing  to 
Canute  considerable  activity  in  the  endowment 
of  churches.  The  statement  that  he  established 
monasteries  in  Denmark  is  probably  an  error; 
if  he  attempted  to  do  so,  his  efforts  failed^;  some 
time  still  had  to  pass  before  the  viking  could  find 
contentment  in  the  cloister.  Danish  monasticism 
dates  from  the  closing  years  of  the  century,  when 
twelve  monks  from  Evesham  on  the  Avon  came 
on  request  of  King  Eric  to  found  a  monastery 
at  Odense.  It  seems  likely  that  the  payment  of 
Peter's  pence  dates  from  this  reign.  As  to  the 
amount  of  this  tax  nothing  is  known;  but  it  is 

'  Adamus,  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  53. 

'  Danmarks  Riges  Historic,  i.,  403,  500-501. 


192  Canute  the  Great 

probable  that  the  sum  was  a  very  modest  one,  as 
the  Danes  in  England  seem  to  have  been  specially 
favoured  in  this  matter,  the  tax  in  the  Danelaw- 
being  half  as  large  as  in  the  rest  of  England.  ^ 

Across  the  Sound  in  Scania,  the  introduction 
of  Christianity  was  a  slower  process.  We  learn 
that  in  Sweyn's  time  an  Englishman,  Godebald, 
was  appointed  bishop  there,  and  that  he  occasion- 
ally preached  in  the  neighboiu-ing  sections  of 
Sweden  and  Norway.  *  The  results  were  evidently 
meagre,  but  it  is  significant  that  the  preacher  came 
from  England. 

The  Norwegian  Church  is  in  a  pectdiar  sense  a 
daughter  of  the  English  Church.  The  first  serious 
attempt  at  mission  work  in  Norway  was  made 
about  the  middle  of  the  tenth  centiuy,  when  King 
Hakon  built  a  few  churches  and  sent  for  English 
priests  to  officiate  in  them.  One  of  these  appar- 
ently bore  the  episcopal  title,  Sigfrid,  a  monk  of 
Glastonbury.  ^  The  yeomanry  gathered  and  slew 
the  missionaries  and  the  work  came  to  nought. 

When  Olaf  Trygvesson  seized  the  kingship 
(995).  ^6  came  accompanied  by  English  priests. 
Among  these  was  Bishop  Sigurd,  who  was  prob- 
ably a  Northumbrian  of  Norse  ancestry,  and 
evidently  a  man  of  strength  and  discretion.  After 
the  battle  of  Swald  he  seems  to  have  continued 

'  Danmarks  Riges  Historie,  i.,  403. 
'  Adamus,  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  39. 

J  Taranger,  Den  angelsaksiske  Kirkes  Indflyddse  paa  den 
norskt,   143. 


The  Twilight  of  the  Gods  193 

his  labours  in  Sweden.  English  missionaries  also 
came  with  Olaf  the  Stout. 

He  was  accompanied  by  a  ntmiber  of  priests  and 
bishops  from  England  through  whose  doctrine  and 
instruction  he  prepared  his  heart  for  God,  and  to 
whose  guidance  he  entrusted  the  people  who  were 
subject  to  him.  Among  these  were  men  who  were 
famous  for  learning  and  virtue,  namely  Sigfrid, 
Grimkell,  Rudolf,  and  Bemhard.* 

It  is  to  be  observed  once  more  that  none  of  these 
bears  an  Anglo-Saxon  name:  Sigfrid  and  Grimkell 
were  doubtless  natives  of  the  Danelaw,  of  Norse 
blood,  but  English  in  culture  and  faith ;  Bemhard 
may  have  been  a  German  from  the  country  of  the 
lower  Rhine ;  Rudolf  is  said  to  have  been  a  kinsman 
of  Edward  the  Confessor;  as  his  name  is  Norman, 
we  shall  have  to  conclude  that  he  was  a  relative 
of  Queen  Emma,  Edward's  mother.  Late  in  Hfe 
he  received  from  the  Confessor  an  important  ap- 
pointment as  abbot  of  Abingdon  (1050).*  So 
long  as  King  Olaf  lived  Grimkell  seems  to  have 
held  the  office  of  chief  bishop. 

These  were  the  men  who  laid  the  foimdation  of 
the  Norwegian  Church;  later  missionaries  from 
Britain  continued  the  work  along  the  earlier  lines. 
The  result  was  that  the  new  Church  came  largely 
to  be  organised  according  to  EngHsh  models.  Its 
ceremonial  came  to  reflect  Old  EngHsh  practices. 

*  Adamus,  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  55. 

'Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1050.    Anglia  Sacra,  i.,  167. 
13 


194  Canute  the  Great 

Its  terminology  was  formed  according  to  Anglo- 
Saxon  analogies.*  Characteristic  of  both  the 
English  and  the  Norse  Church  was  an  extensive 
use  of  the  vernacular.  And  many  remarkable 
parallels  have  been  found  in  the  chiirch  legisla- 
tion of  King  Ethelred  and  the  ecclesiastical  laws 
attributed  to  Saint  Olaf .  * 

It  would  seem  most  fitting  that  a  church  so 
intimately  connected  with  English  Christianity 
should  pass  under  the  metropolitan  jurisdiction 
of  the  see  at  Canterbury,  and  such  may  have  been 
Saint  Olaf 's  original  intention.  But  the  establish- 
ment of  Danish  power  at  Winchester,  the  appoint- 
ment of  Canute's  friend  Ethelnoth  to  the  primacy, 
and  Canute's  designs  on  the  Norwegian  throne 
made  such  an  arrangement  impractical.  There  was 
consequently  nothing  to  do  but  to  enter  into  re- 
lations with  the  see  of  Bremen.  Adam  tells  us  that 
Olaf  sent  an  embassy  ^  headed  by  Bishop  Grimkell 

with  gifts  to  our  archbishop  and  bearing  the  request 
that  he  receive  these  [English]  bishops  favourably 

^  An  illustration  of  this  appears  on  a  runic  monument  at 
Odderness  in  Southern  Norway  raised  in  memory  of  a  godson  of 
Saint  Olaf:  "Oivind,  Saint  Olaf's  godson  [kosunr  or  gosunr] 
raised  this  church  on  his  allodial  land. " 

"  For  the  account  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  missionaries  I  am  in- 
debted to  Taranger's  work  on  the  influence  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  on 
the  Norwegian  Church:  Den  Angelsaksiske  Kirkes  Jndflydelse paa 
den  norske. 

3  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  55;  iv.,  c.  33.  The  embassy  was  probably  sent 
some  time  during  the  years  1020-1023,  and  perhaps  shortly 
before  Canute  accepted  the  supremacy  of  Hamburg-Bremen  in 
Denmark. 


RUNIC   MONUMENT  SHOWS   HAMMER  OF  THOR 


THE  ODDERNESS   STONE 


The  Twilight  of  the  Gods  195 

and  send  others  of  his  own  consecration  that  the  rude 
Norwegian  people  might  be  strengthened  in  the  Christ- 
ian faith. 

It  is  difficult  to  appreciate  the  tremendous  social 
changes  that  the  introduction  of  Christianity- 
worked  among  the  Northmen  of  the  eleventh 
century.  There  was  so  much  that  was  new  in 
Christian  practice  that  the  adjustment  was  a 
difficult  matter.  The  rigid  observance  of  the 
seventh  day;  the  numerous  holidays;  the  fre- 
quent fasts  and  the  long  abstentions  of  Lent;  the 
duties  of  confession  and  penance;  the  support  of  a 
new  social  class,  the  priests;  all  these  things  the 
unwilling  convert  foimd  exceedingly  irksome. 
In  addition  to  this,  there  were  certain  prohibi- 
tions that  also  worked  hardships:  marriage  within 
certain  degrees  of  kinship ;  the  exposure  of  child- 
ren (except  such  as  were  bom  with  deformities, 
who  might  be  exposed  after  baptism) ;  the  eating 
of  horseflesh,  and  other  honoured  Northern  cus- 
toms. Much  that  was  heathen  could  not  be  rooted 
out.  The  churches  were  frequently  built  near  the 
old  sanctuaries  and  the  new  worship  unavoidably 
came  to  be  associated  in  many  minds  with  much 
that  was  heathen. ' 

While  Canute  was  organising  the  Church  in 
Denmark,  Olaf  was  striving  to  reshape  Norwegian 
society  and  uproot  the  old  faith.     With  force  and 

'  This  paragraph  is  stimmarised  from  Professor  Bugge's  dis- 
cussion in  Norges  Historic,  I.,  ii.,  379-381, 


196 


Canute  the  Great 


fair  words  he  won  many  for  the  new  order,  but 
many  more  refused  to  receive  baptism.  Ten  years 
passed  with  growing  discontent ;  so  long  as  the  na- 
tion was  still  heathen  in  morals  and  view  of  life, 
resistance  was  inevitable.  Finally  the  partisans 
of  the  old  rites  and  practices  turned  to  Canute, 
the  great  Christian  King.  And  he  who  should 
have  been  a  defender  of  the  faith  heard  their  com- 
plaints with  imfeigned  joy. 


CHAPTER  IX 

CANUTE  AND  THE  NORWEGIAN  CONSPIRACY 
IO23-IO26 

THE  sons  of  Earl  Hakon,  Eric  and  Sweyn,  who 
niled  Norway  for  fifteen  years  after  the 
fall  of  Olaf  Trygvesson,  were  not  aggressive  rulers. 
They  were  not  of  the  blood  royal,  they  were  vassals 
of  alien  kings,  both  seem  by  nature  to  have  been 
of  an  easy-going  disposition ;  hence  they  were  not 
able  to  command  obedience  to  the  extent  that 
a  strong  monarchy  demanded.  As  a  result,  the 
Norwegian  aristocracy  arrogated  to  itself  a  great 
measure  of  independence.  The  peasantry  re- 
sumed their  old  habits  and  practices;  in  many 
places  the  old  worship  was  wholly  restored,  in- 
cluding the  sacrificial  festivals.  The  Earls  were 
Christians,  but  did  not  interfere. 

Of  a  different  type  was  King  Olaf  Haroldsson. 
He  was  determined  and  forceful,  equipped  with  a 
vigorous  intellect  and  a  will  that  could  brook  no 
opposition.  Though  his  policies  extended  far 
beyond  the  religious  field,  his  chief  anxiety  was 
to  make  Norway  a  Christian  kingdom.     His  zeal 

197 


198  Canute  the  Great  11023- 

was  that  of  the  convert,  the  passion  of  the  devotee; 
but  it  was  more  than  that :  it  was  the  purpose  of  the 
far-seeing  statesman.  In  his  viking  adventures 
he  had  become  acquainted  with  the  advantages 
of  the  European  political  system.  He  wished  to 
introduce  this  into  his  own  kingdom,  to  Euro- 
peanise  Norway.  This  was  the  great  king-thought 
for  which  Saint  Olaf  lived  and  fell.  But  at  the 
basis  of  the  European  system  lay  Christianity. 
In  his  proselyting  endeavours,  he  met  opposition 
from  the  very  beginning;  but  for  a  time  he  was 
able  to  overcome  all  resistance.  However,  the 
spirit  of  rebellion  was  silenced  only ;  after  five  years 
of  missionary  effort,  King  Olaf  found  that  Christ- 
ian progress  was  apparent  rather  than  real.  He 
also  found  that  the  devotees  of  the  old  worship 
were  still  determined  and  that  a  group  of  chiefs 
were  organising  an  opposition  that  might  overturn 
his  throne. 

The  opposition  was  of  two  sorts :  on  the  one  hand 
the  Christian  was  opposed  by  the  partisan  of  the 
old  gods ;  on  the  other  hand  Olaf 's  strong  kingship 
was  disliked  by  the  chiefs  who  recalled  the  free- 
dom that  they  had  enjoyed  in  the  days  of  the  two 
earls.  Distances  were  great  in  Norway;  travel 
was  difficult;  the  ocean  was  the  best  highway. 
But  with  sail  and  oar  it  took  time  to  reach  the 
settlements  on  the  long  coast  line,  and  the  King 
soon  learned  that  promises  to  renounce  the  Anses 
were  easily  forgotten  or  broken.  Then  followed 
crop  failures  in  the  far  North:  it  was  clear  that 


1026]    Canute  and  Norwegian  Conspiracy    199 

Frey  was  angry  and  wished  to  punish  the  apostacy 
of  his  people.  ^ 

In  the  aristocratic  opposition  five  chieftains 
bear  special  prominence.  At  Soli  on  the  wide 
plains  of  Jaederen  in  South-western  Norway,  not 
far  from  the  modem  city  of  Stavanger,  lived 
Erling,  the  son  of  Skjalg.  Erling  had  sailed  with 
King  Olaf  to  Wendland,  but  had  had  no  part  in  the 
fight  at  Swald.  Later  the  Earls  found  it  advisable 
to  make  peace  with  the  Soli  family  and  gave  Erling 
Skjalgsson  a  magnificent  fief  in  the  South-west. 
From  the  Naze  to  the  Sogn  Firth  his  was  the  ruling 
influence.  Of  all  the  Norwegian  magnates  Erling 
was  unquestionably  the  most  powerful ;  and  though 
both  Earl  Eric  and  King  Olaf  had  looked  askance 
at  his  power,  he  maintained  his  position  for  a 
quarter  of  a  century.  Five  active  sons  and  a 
spirited  daughter  grew  up  in  Erling's  house.  The 
lord  of  Soli  never  was  an  ideal  subject ;  but  after  his 
nephew  Asbjom  slew  one  of  King  Olaf's  servants 
in  the  royal  presence  during  the  Easter  festivities,  a 
quarrel  broke  out  that  had  fatal  consequences.  * 

The  island  of  Giski  some  distance  north  of  Cape 
Stadt  was  the  ancestral  seat  of  the  famous  Amung 
family,  which  for  several  generations  held  a  promi- 
nent place  in  the  councils  of  Norway.  According 
to  tradition  the  family  was  founded  by  one 
Finnvid  who  was  foimd  in  an  eagle's  nest,  and 
hence  was  known  as  Finnvid  Found.    The  family 

•  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  io6. 
» Ibid.,  cc.  22,  23,  n6  flf. 


200  Canute  the  Great  tio23- 

took  its  name  from  Ame,  a  prominent  chief  in 
Saint  Olaf's  day  and  a  good  friend  of  the  King. 
Seven  sons  and  a  daughter  were  bom  to  Ame  and 
his  good  wife  Thora.  The  oldest  of  the  sons 
married  the  only  daughter  of  the  mighty  Eriing. 
Ame's  daughter  became  the  wife  of  another 
prominent  lord  and  enemy  of  Olaf,  Harek  of 
Tjotta.  For  a  time  all  the  sons  of  Ame  supported 
the  Eling  and  Kalf  alone  finally  joined  his  enemies. 
Olvi  of  Egg,  a  wealthy  Thronder,  was  found  to 
have  continued  the  old  sacrificial  practices  in 
secret,  and  on  the  King's  orders  was  slain.  Kalf 
Amesson  married  his  widow,  and  from  that  day 
his  loyalty  was  shaken.  * 

Far  to  the  north  lived  two  chiefs  who  were  also 
counted  among  the  King's  opponents:  Harek  of 
Tjotta  and  Thor  the  Dog.  Thor  was  the  ill- 
fated  Asbjorn's  uncle  and  the  brother-in-law  of 
the  slain  Olvi.  He  lived  on  the  Bark-isle  beyond 
the  Arctic  Circle  and  was  easily  the  most  powerful 
man  in  those  regions.  ^  Harek  lived  on  the  isle  of 
Tjotta,  a  little  to  the  south  of  the  Polar  Circle. 
He  seems  to  have  had  something  of  a  monopoly  of 
the  Finnish  trade  and  from  this  and  other  sources 
amassed  great  wealth.  In  the  Norse  nobility 
few  stood  higher  than  Harek :  he  counted  among  his 
kinsmen  the  reigning  King  as  well  as  his  pre- 
decessors the  Earls.  ^    In  the  rebellion  that  finally 

*  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  cc.  106-110. 

'Ibid.,  c.   106.  i Ibid.,  c.  104. 


1026]    Canute  and  Norwegian  Conspiracy  201 

cost  King  Olaf  his  life,  Thor  and  Harek  were 
prominent  leaders. 

In  the  Throndelaw,  some  distance  south  of 
Nidaros,  dwelt  Einar  Thongshaker.  Einar,  the 
strongest  and  most  athletic  Norseman  of  his  day, 
the  archer  who  cotdd  pierce  a  damp  ox-hide  with 
a  blimt  shaft,  was  also  a  man  of  great  personal 
influence.  Married  to  Earl  Eric's  sister,  he  was 
naturally  in  sympathy  with  the  dynastic  claims 
of  the  Earl's  family.  For  some  years  after  the 
defeat  at  the  Nesses,  he  had  lived  in  exile  in 
Sweden;  but  finally  he  was  reconciled  to  King 
Olaf  and  was  permitted  to  return.  * 

It  does  not  appear  that  any  of  these  leaders  had 
any  enthusiasm  for  the  old  faith;  Erling  Skjalgsson 
and  Einar  Thongshaker  seem  to  have  been 
zealous  Christians.  But  among  their  kinsmen 
were  many  who  clung  to  the  worship  of  Woden  and 
Thor.  Wherever  the  King  found  heathen  rites 
celebrated  in  open  or  secret,  harsh  measures  were 
employed — loss  of  property,  of  limb,  and  even  of 
life.  Thus  the  chiefs  saw  many  a  kinsman  dis- 
honoured or  dead,  and  to  their  disinclination  to 
obey  the  royal  mandate  was  joined  the  motive  of 
private  revenge.  Soon  dissatisfaction  was  rife 
everywhere,  and  over  the  North  Sea  fled  yearly  a 
band  of  exiles  who  had  resisted  the  royal  will. 

Among  those  who  went  west  was  Einar  Thong- 

*  On  the  subject  of  the  Norse  chiefs  in  King  Olaf's  day,  see 
Munch,  Det  norske  Folks  Historic,  I.,  ii.,  659-670;  Norges  His- 
toric, I.,  ii.,  340-348. 


202  Canute  the  Great  11023- 

skaker,  though  he  went  ostensibly  as  a  pilgrim, 
not  as  a  plotter.  Soon  after  his  return  from  Swe- 
den he  found  it  advisable  to  seek  expiation  at 
Rome  for  earlier  sins,  and  in  1022  or  1023  he  left 
for  the  Eternal  City.  It  seems  probable  that  his 
brother-in-law  Eric  joined  him  in  this  expedition 
or  planned  to  do  so,  for  the  sagas  persist  in  con- 
necting Eric's  death,  which  must  have  occurred 
about  1023,  with  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome,  at  least 
projected  and  perhaps  carried  out.  In  England 
Einar  is  said  to  have  visited  young  Earl  Hakon, 
possibly  in  his  earldom  in  the  Severn  Valley; 
he  also  had  an  interview  with  Canute  "and  was 
given  great  gifts.  "^  Einar's  visit  was  probably 
just  after  Canute's  return  from  his  expedition  to 
the  Slavic  lands.  Whether  the  pilgrimage  was 
more  than  a  mere  pretext  we  do  not  know,  though 
it  probably  was  made  in  good  faith.  After  his 
return  to  Norway  he  was  not  active  in  King  Olaf 's 
service,  though  he  showed  no  open  hostility. 

Many  magnates  or  sons  of  prominent  franklins 
had  fared  to  Canute  on  various  errands;  but  all  who 
came  to  King  Canute  were  given  their  hands  full  of 
wealth.  There  one  could  see  greater  splendour  than 
elsewhere,  both  as  to  the  multitude  of  people  in  daily 
attendance  and  in  the  other  arrangements  on  the 
manors  that  he  possessed  and  occupied.  Canute 
the  Mighty  gathered  tribute  from  the  lands  that  were 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  121.  According  to  Snorre's 
reckoning,  he  left  in  the  summer  of  1023  and  returned  the  follow- 
ing summer. 


1026J    Canute  and  Norwegian  Conspiracy  203 

the  richest  in  the  North ;  but  in  the  same  measure  as 
he  had  more  to  receive  than  other  kings,  he  also  gave 
much  more  than  any  other  king.  .  .  . 

But  many  of  those  who  came  from  Norway  lamented 
the  loss  of  their  liberties  and  hinted  to  Earl  Hakon 
and  some  to  the  King  himself,  that  the  men  of  Norway 
were  now  surely  ready  to  renew  their  allegiance  to 
King  Canute  and  the  Earl,  and  to  receive  their  old 
liberties  from  them.  These  speeches  suited  the  Earl's 
mind,  and  he  suggested  to  Canute  that  Olaf  be  called 
on  to  surrender  the  kingdom  to  them,  or  to  agree  to 
divide  it.* 

Snorre  attributes  Canute's  delay  in  claiming  the 
Norse  kingship  to  a  difference  between  himself  and 
his  cousin,  Earl  Hakon,  as  to  who  should  possess 
and  rule  the  country.  It  is  evident,  however, 
that  before  1023  Canute  was  hardly  in  a  position 
to  press  a  claim  of  such  a  doubtful  character. 
But  in  that  year  the  situation  was  more  favourable : 
he  was  in  imcontested  possession  of  the  English 
and  Danish  crowns;  he  had  successfully  fought 
and  subdued  the  Slavs  to  the  south  of  Denmark; 
his  prestige  was  consequently  greater  than  ever 
before.  That  year,  the  subject  of  Norse  conquest 
must  have  been  discussed  quite  seriously  at 
Winchester,  for  as  soon  as  the  winter  was  past,  an 
embassy  was  on  its  way  to  King  Olaf's  court  to 
demand  the  kingdom  of  Norway  for  Canute. 

Among  the  various  regions  that  composed  the 
Norwegian  realm,  two  enjoyed  a  peculiar  promin- 

*  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  130. 


204  Canute  the  Great  11023- 

ence:  the  Wick  and  the  Throndelaw.  The  Thron- 
delaw  was  a  group  of  "folks"  or  shires  about  the 
Throndhjem  Firth,  a  region  that  had  developed 
considerable  solidarity  and  in  one  sense  was  reck- 
oned as  the  heart  of  the  kingdom.  Here  was  for 
some  time  the  capital  of  the  nation,  as  it  has 
remained  in  ecclesiastical  matters  to  this  day,  at 
least  nominally.  The  Wick  was  the  country  that 
bordered  on  the  great  "  Bay  "  in  the  extreme  south. 
It  was  this  region  that  first  came  into  contact  with 
European  civilisation  and  where  culture  and 
Christianity  had  perhaps  taken  firmest  root.  In 
a  sense  the  Wick  was  disputed  territory:  it  had 
earlier  been  under  Danish  overlordship,  and  a 
part  of  it  had  also  for  a  brief  period  been  subject 
to  Sweden;  national  feeling  was  therefore  not 
strong  on  these  shores.  For  this  reason,  perhaps, 
King  Olaf  had  established  a  royal  residence  at 
Tunsberg  near  the  mouth  of  the  Firth  on  the 
western  shore.  Here  the  King  held  his  court  in 
the  winter  of  1 024-1 025;  it  was  here  that  he 
received  the  English  embassy. 

It  was  a  splendid  company  that  Canute  sent  to 
Norway,  but  Olaf  was  not  pleased  with  their  errand. 
For  several  days  he  kept  them  waiting  before  he 
was  willing  to  grant  them  an  audience. 

But  when  they  were  permitted  to  speak  with  him 
they  brought  into  his  presence  Canute's  writ  and 
recited  their  message,  that  Canute  claims  all  of  Nor- 
way as  his  possession  and  asserts  that  his  ancestors 


1026]    Canute  and  Norwegian  Conspiracy  205 

have  possessed  the  realm  before  him;  but  whereas 
Kjng  Canute  offers  peace  to  all  lands,  he  will  not  fare 
to  Noiway  with  war  shields  if  another  choice  is 
possible.  But  if  King  Olaf  Haroldsson  wishes  to  rule 
Norway,  let  him  fare  to  King  Canute  and  receive  the 
land  from  him  as  a  fief  and  become  his  man  and  pay 
such  tribute  as  the  earls  had  earUer  paid.  ^ 

Such  a  proposal  was  an  insult  to  the  Norse 
nation,  and  it  is  not  likely  that  Canute  expected 
a  favourable  reply.  But  in  its  apparent  modera- 
tion, in  its  appeal  to  historic  rights,  the  demand 
served  well  the  intended  purpose:  to  extort  a 
challenge  that  would  make  hostilities  unavoidable 
and  make  Olaf  appear  as  the  aggressor.  King 
Olaf's  anger  did  not  permit  a  diplomatic  reply: 

I  have  heard  tell  in  olden  story  that  Gorm  the  Dane- 
king  was  an  excellent  ruler,  but  he  ruled  Denmark 
only;  but  the  Dane-kings  who  have  come  since  his 
day  do  not  seem  to  have  been  satisfied  with  that. 
It  has  come  to  this  now  that  Canute  rules  Denmark 
and  England  and  in  addition  has  subjected  a  large 
part  of  Scotland.  Now  he  challenges  my  inheritance. 
He  should,  however,  learn  to  be  moderate  in  his 
avarice, — or  does  he  plan  to  govern  all  the  Northlands 
alone?  Or  does  he  intend  to  eat  alone  all  the  cabbage 
in  England  ?  He  will  be  able  to  accomplish  that  before 
I  shall  pay  him  tribute  or  do  him  any  sort  of  homage. 
Now  you  shall  tell  him  these  my  words,  that  I  will 
defend  Norway  with  point  and  edge  as  long  as  life 

*  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  131. 


2o6  Canute  the  Great  11023- 

days  are  granted  me;  but  never  shall  I  pay  tribute  for 
my  kingdom  to  any  man. » 

Such  is  Snorre's  account.  The  speeches  are 
doubtless  the  historian's  own;  but  they  reveal  a 
keen  insight  into  the  shrewd  diplomacy  of  Canute 
and  the  impetuous  methods  of  Olaf.  The  am- 
bassadors soon  prepared  to  retire,  little  pleased 
with  the  outcome.  It  is  reported  that  in  con- 
versation with  Sighvat  the  Scald  they  expressed 
their  surprise  at  the  Norse  King's  rashness.  The 
lord  of  England  was  gentle  and  forgiving. 

Only  recently  two  kings  came  from  north  in  Scotland, 
from  Fife,  and  he  laid  aside  his  wrath  and  let  them 
keep  all  the  lands  that  they  had  earlier  possessed  and 
gave  them  great  gifts  of  friendship  in  addition. 

The  poet  later  put  his  reply  into  verse: 

Able  kings  have  carried 

Their  heads  to  Canute,  coming  ' 

From  Fife  in  the  far  north 

(Fair  was  the  purchase  of  peace). 

Olaf  has  never  sold 

(Oft  has  the  stout  one  conquered) 

Here  in  the  whole  world 

His  head  to  any  man.* 

There  could  be  no  question  about  unpeace  after 
Olaf's  defiance  had  been  repeated  to  Canute.  It 
is  said  that  Norsemen  looked  on  cabbage  eaters 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c,  131. 
*  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  133-134. 


1026]    Canute  and  Norwegian  Conspiracy  207 

as  naturally  stupid;  hence  the  taunt,  if  given,  had 
a  sharp  point.  The  great  King  is  said  to  have 
remarked  that  Olaf  should  find  something  besides 
cabbage  within  his  ribs.  That  summer  two  of 
Erling's  sons,  Aslak  and  Skjalg,  appeared  at  the 
English  court.  "And  King  Canute  gave  the 
brothers  large  revenues. "  ^ 

During  the  succeeding  summer  (1025)  King 
Olaf  remained  in  the  South.  Rumour  had  it  that 
Canute  was  coming  from  England  with  a  powerful 
host,  and  the  Norwegian  King  made  preparations 
to  meet  him.  The  chiefs  were  summoned  to  the 
Wick  and  seem  to  have  appeared  with  their  re- 
tainers in  large  numbers.  Olaf's  spies  were 
everywhere  on  the  lookout  for  the  English  fleet. 
Merchant  ships  were  eagerly  sought  for  news. 
But  Canute  was  not  yet  ready  to  fight  and  did 
not  appear  before  autumn.  He  spent  the  winter  in 
Denmark  but  mainly  for  precautionary  purposes; 
hostile  activities  were  evidently  to  be  postponed  to 
a  more  favourable  time.^ 

That  same  autumn  Olaf  approached  the  King 
of  Sweden  on  the  subject  of  an  alliance  against  the 
ambitious  King  of  Denmark.  The  young  Anund 
Jacob,  King  Olaf's  brother-in-law  and  admirer, 
was  now  on  the  Swedish  throne.  It  was  easy  to 
convince  the  youthful  King  that  his  realm  would 
not  long  be  left  in  peace  should  Canute  succeed 
in  adding  Norway  to  his  dominions.  An  alliance 
was  accordingly  concluded:  the  king  who  should 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  131.  *  Ibid. 


2o8  Canute  the  Great  11023- 

first  need  assistance  should  have  the  other's  help. 
A  conference  was  also  arranged  for,  as  more 
definite  plans  woiild  have  to  be  agreed  upon.  That 
year  King  Olaf  prepared  to  winter  at  Sarpsborg, 
just  across  the  firth  from  Tunsberg.  King  Anund 
made  a  winter  journey  into  Gautland  toward  the 
Norse  frontier,  and  tarried  there  for  some  months. 
Diuing  his  stay  there,  envoys  appeared  from 
Canute  with  gifts  and  fair  words.  Anund  was 
asstued  of  peace  and  security  if  he  would  renoimce 
his  alliance  with  the  Norsemen.  But  this  em- 
bassy also  had  to  return  with  unsatisfactory  re- 
ports: Anund  intended  to  be  faithfiil  to  his  pledge; 
no  friendship  for  Denmark  was  to  be  looked  for  in 
Sweden.  ^ 

Spring  came  (1026)  and  developments  were 
looked  for;  but  the  unexpected  happened:  Canute 
retiuned  to  England,  leaving  his  young  sonHartha- 
canute,  a  boy  of  eight  or  nine  years,  as  regent  in 
Denmark  under  the  guardianship  of  Ulf,  Canute's 
brother-in-law,  who  seems  to  have  succeeded 
Thurkil  the  Tall  as  viceroy  in  Denmark.  The 
allied  kings  now  proceeded  to  hold  their  projected 
conference  at  Kingscrag,  near  the  south-east  corner 
of  Olaf's  kingdom.  In  this  conference  a  new 
agreement  seems  to  have  been  reached;  the 
defensive  alliance  was  apparently  changed  to  an 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  132.  The  legendary  Olafs-saga 
tells  us  that  the  gifts  were  two  golden  candlesticks,  a  golden  dish 
highly  jewelled  for  the  table  service,  and  two  gold  rings.  Anund 
is  said  to  have  remarked  that  he  did  not  wish  to  sell  Olaf  for  a  dish. 


ORNAMENTS   (CHIEFLY   BUCKLES)    FROM   THE  VIKING  AGE 


pfe'  vv i'^r.^S^^Lr£M, 


ORNAMENTS   (CHIEFLY   BUCKLES)    FROM   THE  VIKING  AGE 


1026]    Canute  and  Norwegian  Conspiracy  209 

offensive  one  and  an  attack  on  Canute's  Danish 
possessions  was  planned.  "^ 

Why  Canute  failed  to  attack  Norway  in  the 
autumn  of  1025,  or  in  the  following  spring,  is  not 
known.  It  seems,  however,  a  fairly  safe  conjec- 
ture that  he  felt  unprepared  to  meet  the  allied 
forces.  He  evidently  preferred  to  wait  imtil  the 
spirit  of  disaffection  and  rebellion  had  spread  more 
widely  in  Norway ;  for  thus  far  only  the  great  house 
of  Soli  had  openly  espoused  the  pretender's  cause; 
most  of  the  dissatisfied  lords  were  in  King 
Olaf's  host.  Doubtless  he  also  hoped  that  by 
diplomatic  means  or  otherwise  dissension  might  be 
sown  between  the  confederated  kings,  and  their 
alliance  dissolved. 

Gold  was  the  power  that  Canute  depended 
upon  to  prepare  rebellion  in  Norway.  That  the 
Danish  King  employed  bribery  in  these  years  to 
a  large  extent  is  a  well-attested  fact.  Florence 
of  Worcester  who  wrote  three  generations  later 
recounts  how  gold  was  distributed  among  the 
Norwegian  chiefs  in  the  hope  that  they  would 
permit  Canute  to  rule  over  them,  though  Florence 
is  clearly  misinformed  when  he  tells  us  that  the 
Norsemen  had  renounced  their  allegiance  to 
King  Olaf  because  of  his  simplicity  and  gentleness.  * 
Olaf  was  a  saint  when  the  scribe  at  Worcester 
wrote  his  history;  but  he  was  not  a  saint  of  the 
ideal  sort,  and  hence  Florence  is  led  into  error. 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  134. 

'  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  184.       . 

X4 


210 


Canute  the  Great 


[1023-1026] 


Richard  of  Cirencester,  too,  has  heard  of  these 
proceedings  and  the  "great  supply  of  gold  and 
silver  that  was  sent  to  the  magnates  of  that 
coiintry. "  ^  Both  writers  represent  the  Norsemen 
as  eager  for  the  bribes.  The  sagas,  of  course, 
give  fuller  details.  The  result  was  that  King 
Olaf 's  forces  to  some  extent  were  made  up  of  men 
whose  loyalty  had  been  undermined,  who  were 
in  the  pay  of  the  enemy.  The  following  year 
(1027),  the  year  when  the  most  Christian  monarch 
made  his  pilgrimage  to  the  tomb  of  Peter,  seems 
to  have  seen  the  greatest  activity  in  this  direction ; 
but  the  probabihties  are  that  large  sums  of  Dane- 
geld  had  found  their  way  to  Norway  also  in  the 
earlier  two  or  three  years. 
'  Speculum  Historiale,  ii.,  178. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  BATTLE  OF  HOLY  RIVER  AND  THE  PILGRIMAGE 
TO  ROME 

IO26-IO27 

ONE  of  the  notable  results  of  the  expedition 
to  the  South  Batic  in  1022  was  that  a 
reconciliation  was  effected  with  Thurkil  the  Tall. 
"And  he  gave  Denmark  into  the  keeping  of  Thur- 
kil and  his  son;  and  the  King  brought  Thurkil' s 
son  with  him  to  England."'  The  son  who  was 
thus  made  regent  was  probably  Sweyn;  it  was 
scarcely  Harthacanute,  as  this  Prince  was  present 
at  the  translation  of  Saint  Alphege  from  London 
to  Canterbury  that  same  year  (1023) ;  of  Canute's 
other  son,  Harold  Harefoot,  we  hear  nothing  until 
after  the  King's  death.  The  hostage  that  Canute 
took  with  him  to  England  may  have  been  Harold 
who  played  an  important  part  in  Northern  history 
two  decades  later.  Thurkil  cannot  have  lived 
long  after  his  promotion  to  the  vice-royalty,  for 
three  years  later  (1026),  we  find  Harthacanute 
representing  royal   authority  in   Denmark  with 

^  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1023. 
211 


212  Canute  the  Great  [io26- 

Earl  Ulf  as  guardian  and  actual  wielder  of  power. 
This  change  in  the  regency  we  may,  perhaps, 
ascribe  to  the  activities  of  Queen  Emma,  one  of 
whose  chief  purposes  in  life  was  to  disinherit  her 
husband's  illegitimate  offspring. 

The  next  few  months  seem  to  have  witnessed  a 
revolution  in  Denmark:  Earl  Ulf  appears  to  have 
summoned  a  national  assembly  at  Viborg,  an  old 
sanctuary  in  the  north  central  part  of  Jutland, 
where  he  announced  that  it  was  Canute's  desire 
to  have  his  young  eight-year-old  son  chosen  and 
proclaimed  King  of  Denmark.  With  evident  suc- 
cess he  argued  that  the  ancient  kingdom,  which 
always  had  had  a  ruler  within  its  borders,  was 
poorly  served  by  the  present  arrangement  of 
subjection  to  an  absentee-king.  He  also  called 
attention  to  the  threatened  invasion  from  the 
allied  kingdoms  of  Norway  and  Sweden.  The 
sagas  assert  that  Queen  Emma  had  plotted  with 
Earl  Ulf  to  secure  the  royal  name  for  her  son  and 
that  she  had  even  forged  a  document  to  support 
the  move.  The  assembly  assented  and  Hartha- 
canute  was  proclaimed  King.  ^ 

There  are  suggestions  that  Ulf  at  this  time  was 
in  communication  with  the  allied  monarchs  and 
that  he  had  even  encouraged  them  to  invade  the 
Danish  territories.  Evidence  is  wanting,  but  it 
is  clear  that  Ulf's  activities  in  1026  were  not  of 
the  proper  sort  ^     The  Earl  was  an  ambitious  and 

'  Snorre,  Saga  oi  Saint  Olaf,  c.  148. 
*  Steenstrup,  Normannerne,  iii.,  349. 


10271  The  Battle  of  Holy  River  213 

turbulent  man,  closely  connected  with  both  the 
Danish  and  the  Swedish  dynasties.  He  was  a 
man  of  the  type  that  finds  service  difficult;  it  is 
clear  that  Canute  suspected  him  of  treason. 

After  Canute's  departure  for  England  the  North- 
ern kings  had  their  conference  at  Kingscrag  where 
a  closer  alliance  was  formed  and  offensive  opera- 
tions were  probably  determined  upon.  Soon 
afterwards  King  Olaf  was  on  his  way  to  his 
northern  capital  to  raise  the  host  for  a  grand 
effort.  It  seems  that  the  chiefs  quite  generally 
obeyed  the  summons;  of  the  leaders  in  the  north- 
em  shires  Einar  Thongshaker  alone  remained  at 
home  on  his  estates.  A  considerable  fleet  gathered 
at  the  rendezvous  at  the  mouth  of  Throndhjem 
Firth;  as  it  sailed  southward  there  were  constant 
additions,  till  it  finally  counted  480  ships.  The 
royal  flagship  was  the  Bison,  a  longship  that  had 
been  built  the  winter  before,  the  prow  of  which 
bore  the  head  of  a  bison  adorned  with  gold. 

On  the  journey  southward,  King  Olaf  learned 
that  Canute  was  still  in  England,  but  that  he  was 
making  preparations  for  a  grand  attack.  He  also 
learned  that  Erling  Skjalgsson  was  now  with  his 
sons  in  the  enemy's  service.  But  no  one  knew 
when  the  English  host  might  be  expected;  time 
passed  and  the  Norsemen  began  to  tire  of  inaction. 
Accordingly  King  Olaf  dismissed  the  least  effec- 
tive part  of  his  forces  and  with  the  remainder, 
sixty  large  and  well-manned  ships,  sailed  for  the 
coast  of  Zealand,  expecting  later  to  join  the  Swedish 


214  Canute  the  Great  (1026- 

armament  that  had  gathered  on  the  Scanian 
coast.  * 

Meanwhile,  Canute  had  hastened  his  prepara- 
tions. One  of  his  Scanian  subjects,  Hakon  of 
Stangeby,  had,  when  the  plans  of  the  enemy  had 
become  evident,  hastened  to  England  to  warn  his 
King.  It  is  said  that  Canute  rewarded  him  with 
an  estate  in  Scania  for  his  loyalty  and  promptness." 
It  was  a  mighty  fleet  that  sailed  from  southern 
England  that  summer;  Canute  led  the  expedition 
in  person  with  Earl  Hakon  apparently  as  second 
in  command.  Snorre  reports  that  Canute's  ship 
had  one  hundred  and  twenty  oars,  while  that  of  the 
Earl  had  eighty.  Both  ships  were  provided  with 
golden  figureheads;  but  their  sails  were  counted 
particularly  splendid  with  their  stripes  of  blue  and 
red  and  green. 

Earl  Ulf  had  by  this  time  come  to  realise  that 
Denmark  could  not  afford  to  ignore  the  Lord  of 
England.  There  was  evidently  much  dissatisfaction 
with  the  Earl's  regime,  for  we  find  that  the  Danes 
in  large  numbers  accepted  the  invaders.  Ulf  and 
Harthacanute  soon  retreated  to  Jutland,  and  left 
the  islands  and  Scania  to  the  enemy. 

The  situation  that  Canute  found  when  he  sailed 
into  the  Lime  Firth  was  perhaps  not  wholly  a 
surprise;  he  must  have  known  something  about 
what  his  deputy  had  been  plotting  and  doing. 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  144. 

'  Saxo,  Gesta  Danorum,  347-348.  There  seems  to  be  no  reason 
to  doubt  that  Saxo  here  reports  a  reliable  tradition. 


1027]  The  Battle  of  Holy  River  215 

That  he  was  angry  is  evident ;  that  his  wrath  was 
feared  is  also  clear.  Harthacanute  was  advised 
to  submit ;  he  knelt  before  his  father  and  obtained 
forgiveness,  as  the  King  realised  that  no  responsi- 
bility could  lodge  with  a  witless  boy.  Ulf  also 
tried  to  make  terms  with  the  offended  monarch, 
but  was  merely  told  to  collect  his  forces  and  join 
in  the  defence  of  the  kingdom;  later  he  might 
propose  terms. 

Such  is  Snorre's  account " ;  it  may  be  inaccurate 
in  details,  but  the  main  fact  that  Earl  Ulf  was 
faithless  to  his  trust  seems  to  be  correctly  stated. 
Elsewhere,  too,  Ulf  is  accused  of  opposition  to  his 
King:  Saxo  charges  him  with  treason';  and  an 
entry  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  tells  us  that 
Canute  went  east  to  fight  Ulf  and  Eglaf .  ^  There 
has  been  some  dispute  as  to  the  identity  of  these 
chiefs,  but  unless  evidence  to  the  contrary  is 
forthcoming,  we  shall  have  to  conclude  that  they 
were  the  two  brothers  who  were  earls  in  England 
in  the  early  days  of  Canute  as  English  king. 
Shortly  before  this  (1024),  Eglaf 's  name  disappears 
from  the  English  sources.  The  Chronicler  was 
evidently  not  informed  as  to  the  situation  in  the 
North;  but  he  knew  that  the  two  brothers  were 
among  the  opponents  of  the  King  and  recorded 
what  he  knew. 

Meanwhile,  Olaf  was  on  the  shores  of  Zealand 
with  his  longships.     Saxo  relates  that  one  day 

'  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  148.  '  Gesta  Danorum,  347  flF. 

J  Entry  for  the  year  1025;  this  should  be  corrected  to  1026. 


2i6  Canute  the  Great  no26- 

while  he  was  addressing  the  Danes  at  a  public 
assembly  with  a  view  to  winning  them  to  his  own 
allegiance,  spies  rushed  up  and  reported  that  they 
had  seen  several  ships  approaching.  An  aged 
Dane  assured  the  King  that  the  ships  were  mer- 
chantmen only;  but  when  sails  in  growing  niimbers 
began  to  cross  the  horizon,  he  added  that  they 
were  merchantmen  who  had  come  to  buy  Denmark 
with  iron.* 

From  the  Lime  Firth,  Canute  must  have  sailed 
his  fleet  southeastward  to  the  upper  entrance  of 
the  Sound ;  at  any  rate.  King  Olaf  soon  discovered 
that  the  homeward  route  had  been  effectually 
blocked.  There  was  now  nothing  to  do  but  to 
continue  the  journey  eastward  and  to  form  a 
junction  with  King  Anund's  fleet  which  was 
harrying  the  Scanian  coast.  Canute  must  have 
followed  in  hot  pursuit,  for  before  the  enemies 
could  form  a  junction  he  seems  to  have  found 
and  defeated  a  part  of  the  Swedish  fleet  at  Stange- 
berg.*  A  little  later,  he  came  up  with  the  com- 
bined strength  of  the  allied  Kings  near  the  mouth 
of  Holy  River. 

Ploly  River  is  a  short  stream  in  the  eastern  part 
of  Scania  that  serves  as  the  outlet  of  a  group  of 
lakes  not  far  inland.  Between  these  lakes  and  the 
sea  the  forest  was  heavy  enough  to  conceal  any 
activities  inland.  When  the  Kings  learned  that  the 
Danish  fleet  was  approaching,  they  took  counsel 
and  decided  to  draw  up  their  ships  in  battle  order 

'  Gesta  Danorum,  348.  *  Ibid. 


1027]  The  Battle  of  Holy  River  217 

east  of  the  river  mouth,  but  to  act  on  the  defensive. 
King  Anund  was  to  remain  in  charge  of  the  fleet 
while  King  Olaf,  who  is  reputed  to  have  been 
something  of  a  military  engineer,  went  inland  to 
prepare  a  trap  for  the  enemy.  Where  the  river 
left  the  lakes  he  is  said  to  have  built  a  temporary 
dam  of  trees  and  turf,  and  he  also  improved  the 
outlets  of  some  of  the  smaller  lakes,  so  as  to  in- 
crease the  water  masses  behind  the  dam.  Many 
days  the  work  continued  under  Olaf's  direction. 
Then  came  the  message  that  Canute  had  arrived 
and  the  Norsemen  hastened  to  their  ships. 

It  was  late  in  the  afternoon  when  Anund 's  spies 
finally  caught  sight  of  the  great  armament  ap- 
proaching from  the  west.  Swift-footed  couriers 
at  once  left  for  the  lakes  to  inform  Olaf,  who 
immediately  prepared  to  break  the  dam,  at  the 
same  time  filling  the  course  with  large  trees. 
Canute  saw  the  enemy  drawn  up  in  line  and  ready 
for  the  fight;  but  it  was  then  too  late  to  proceed 
to  the  attack;  moreover,  the  enemy  had  the 
advantage  of  a  carefiilly  chosen  position.  The 
Dane  therefore  refused  battle  that  day.  Finding 
the  harbour  at  the  river  mouth  empty,  he  sailed 
into  it  with  as  many  ships  as  could  be  accom- 
modated; the  remainder  were  left  just  outside. 

At  dawn  the  next  morning,  a  large  part  of  Canute's 
forces  was  found  to  have  landed;  some  were  convers- 
ing, others  seeking  amusement.  Then  without  the 
least  warning   the  waters  came  down  in   torrents, 


2i8  Canute  the  Great  [1026- 

dashing  the  floating  trees  against  the  ships.  The  ships 
were  injured  and  the  waters  overflowed  the  river 
banks,  drowning  the  men  who  had  gone  on  land  and 
also  many  who  were  still  on  the  ships.  Those  who 
were  able  to  do  so  cut  the  ropes  and  allowed  their 
ships  to  drift,  each  in  its  own  direction.  The  great 
dragon  that  Canute  himself  commanded  was  among 
these;  it  was  not  easily  managed  by  the  oars  alone 
and  drifted  out  toward  the  hostile  fleet.  But  when 
the  allies  recognised  the  ship,  they  immediately 
surrounded  it;  but  it  was  not  easily  attacked,  for  the 
ship  was  high  like  a  castle  and  had  a  number  of  men 
on  board,  who  were  carefully  chosen,  thoroughly 
armed,  and  very  reliable.  It  was  not  long  before 
Earl  Ulf  came  up  alongside  with  his  ships  and  men 
and  the  battle  was  now  joined  in  earnest.  Canute's 
forces  now  came  up  from  all  sides.  Then  the  Kings 
Olaf  and  Anund  realised  that  they  had  now  won  as 
much  as  fate  had  allowed  them  for  this  time;  so  they 
ordered  a  retreat,  withdrew  from  Canute's  fleet,  and 
separated  from  the  fight.' 

In  its  disorganised  condition  Canute's  host 
could  make  no  effective  pursuit.  The  Danes  and 
English  had  suffered  heavy  losses,  while  those  of 
the  Swedes  and  Norsemen  were  slight;  still  their 
combined  forces  were  yet  inferior  to  those  of 
Canute.  It  was,  therefore,  agreed  to  avoid 
further  battle.  Eastward  the  course  continued, 
the  intention  being  to  stop  for  the  night  in  the 
harbour  of   Barwick    on   the   coast   of   Bleking. 

»  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  150. 


1027]  The  Battle  of  Holy  River  219 

However,  a  large  part  of  the  Swedish  fleet  did  not 
enter  the  harbour,  but  continued  the  journey 
eastward  and  northward;  nor  were  the  sails  low- 
ered before  the  chiefs  had  reached  their  respective 
homes. 

Early  the  following  morning,  King  Anund 
ordered  the  signal  to  be  sounded  for  a  council  of 
the  remaining  chiefs.  The  entire  army  landed 
and  the  assembly  proceeded  to  discuss  the  situa- 
tion. King  Anund  annoimced  that  of  420  ships 
that  had  joined  him  in  the  preceding  summer  only 
120  were  now  in  the  harbour.  These  with  the 
sixty  Norwegian  ships  did  not  make  a  force 
sufficient  for  successful  operations  against  Canute. 
The  Swedish  King  therefore  proposed  to  Olaf 
that  he  should  spend  the  winter  in  Sweden,  and 
in  the  spring,  perhaps,  they  might  be  able  to  re- 
new hostilities.  Olaf  demurred:  the  former  vik- 
ing could  not  surrender  his  purposes  so  readily; 
it  would  still  be  possible,  he  argued,  to  defeat 
Canute  as  his  large  fleet  would  soon  be  compelled 
to  scatter  in  search  of  provisions,  his  eastern 
coasts  having  been  too  recently  harried  to  afford 
much  in  the  way  of  supplies.  But  the  outcome 
was  that  Olaf  left  his  ships  in  Sweden  and  returned 
to  Norway  overland. 

Canute  kept  informed  as  to  the  situation  in  the 
enemies'  fleet  and  army  but  did  not  attempt  pur- 
suit. It  would  seem  that  a  great  opportunity 
was  thus  permitted  to  slip  past;  but  the  King 
probably  did  not  so  regard  it.     To  fight  the  Swedes 


220  Canute  the  Great  [1026- 

was  not  a  part  of  his  present  plan;  his  hope  was  to 
detach  King  Anund  from  his  more  vigorous  ally. 
When  he  learned  that  the  hostile  fleet  was  about 
to  dissolve,  he  returned  to  Zealand  and  blocked 
the  Soimd,  hoping,  no  doubt,  to  intercept  the 
Norwegian  King  on  his  return  northward.  As  we 
have  seen,  however,  Olaf  appreciated  the  danger 
and  refused  to  risk  an  ambush.  That  same  season 
saw  him  on  the  march  through  south-western 
Sweden  to  his  manors  on  the  shores  of  the  great 
Firth.  On  his  arrival  in  his  own  land,  he  dis- 
missed the  larger  part  of  his  host ;  only  a  small  body 
of  trusted  men  including  several  prominent  mag- 
nates remained  with  him  at  Sarpsborg,  where  he 
prepared  to  spend  the  winter.  ^ 

Of  this  campaign  we  have,  broadly  speaking, 
but  one  detailed  account, — the  one  given  in  the 
sagas.  As  these  are  far  from  contemporary, 
doubts  have  been  cast  upon  the  story,  but  in  the 
main  it  seems  reliable.  That  there  was  a  battle 
at  Holy  River  we  know  from  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle,  which  states  that  Canute  was  defeated 
at  that  place  by  Ulf  and  Eglaf  supported  by  a 
large  force  of  Swedes.  As  to  the  strategic  device 
of  King  Olaf,  we  cannot  be  so  sure ;  but  the  account 
in  the  sagas  reveals  a  topographical  knowledge  so 
specific  as  to  argue  strongly  for  the  belief  that  the 
authors  must  have  had  access  to  reliable  sources. 
There  is  also  a  question  as  to  the  date  of  the  battle : 
Snorre  seems  to  place  it  in  1027;  the  Old  English 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  cc.  154-159. 


1027]  The  Battle  of  Holy  River  221 

Chronicle  has  it  in  1 025 .  The  battle  seems  to  have 
been  fought  some  time  in  September,  1026.  It 
evidently  occurred  before  Canute  made  his  pil- 
grimage to  Rome,  where  we  find  him  at  Easter, 
1027. 

Though  Canute  suffered  a  defeat  at  Holy  River, 
the  outcome  gave  no  advantage  to  his  enemies. 
The  Swedes  were  discoxiraged  and  tired  of  a  con- 
flict which,  after  all,  did  not  seem  to  concern  them. 
King  Olaf  was  discredited :  a  King  who  had  aban- 
doned his  ships  was  not  in  position  to  claim  a 
victory.  From  that  day  he  found  disloyalty 
everywhere.  The  pretender  had  only  to  appear 
on  the  Norwegian  coasts  with  ships  and  men  to 
seciire  the  enthusiastic  allegiance  of  the  rebellious 
Norsemen. 

Canute  was  not  prepared,  however,  to  move 
against  Olaf  at  this  time.  Autumn  was  coming  on, 
a  season  that  was  far  too  short  for  naval  opera- 
tions. And  soon  a  tragedy  was  enacted  at  the 
Danish  coiirt,  the  consequences  of  which  probably 
caused  a  complete  rearrangement  of  Canute's 
immediate  plans.  The  day  before  Michaelmas 
the  King  proceeded  to  Roeskild,  where  Earl  Ulf 
had  prepared  an  elaborate  entertainment  for  him 
and  his  train.  According  to  the  sagas  Ulf  was 
aggressive,  vigorous,  and  brave;  but  he  was  also 
tactless  and  careless  in  speech,  and  possessed  a 
temper  that  was  not  easily  controlled.  The  fes- 
tivities did  not  seem  to  please  the  King — he  was 
moody  and  silent.     In  the  evening  Ulf  suggested 


222  Canute  the  Great  [1026- 

a  game  of  chess,  hoping,  no  doubt,  that  the  play 
woiild  help  to  restore  the  royal  good  humour. 

But  as  they  were  plajdng  at  chess,  King  Canute 
and  Earl  Ulf,  the  King  made  a  wrong  move  and  the 
Earl  took  one  of  his  knights.  The  King  moved  his 
opponent's  chessman  back  and  told  him  to  make 
another  play;  this  angered  the  Earl;  he  overturned 
the  chessboard,  rose,  and  left  the  table.  Then  said 
the  King,  "Are  you  running  away  now,  timid  Wolf!" 
The  Earl  turned  in  the  doorway  and  replied,  "Farther 
you  would  have  run  at  Holy  River,  if  you  had  been 
able.  You  did  not  then  call  Ulf  timid,  when  I  rushed 
up  to  help  you,  when  the  Swedes  were  threshing  you 
and  your  men  like  dogs."  With  that  the  Earl  left  the 
room  and  went  to  sleep. ' 

It  is  not  likely,  however,  that  the  Earl's  rest 
was  wholly  undisturbed  that  night,  for  in  the 
morning  he  was  found  to  have  sought  sanctuary 
in  Holy  Trinity  Church.  Nor  did  sleep  appease 
the  King's  anger;  while  he  was  dressing  the  next 
morning,  he  ordered  his  shoe-swain  to  go  at  once 
and  slay  Ulf.  But  the  servant  dared  not  strike 
him  within  the  sacred  precincts.  Then  the  King 
called  Ivar  White,  one  of  his  guardsmen,  a  Norse- 
man who  is  said  to  have  been  Earl  Eric's  nephew,  ^ 
and  sent  him  with  similar  orders.  Ivar  soon  re- 
turned to  the  King  with  a  bloody  sword  as  evi- 
dence that  his  sister's  husband  was  no  more. 

^  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  153. 

»  Munch,  Del  Norske  Folks  Historie,  I.,  ii.,  737. 


r 


^  jnift-.NjArnciat  sec  v  ^f(^  5  v  tjiotr  ifutH  arW  / 

yi&  fc  tl  a  W^ -^liVi^^t)^^ 
■nat  tn4.l?  liLfet*^  t  b  (^  ar  tnjrttLlutt/ 


sccfa'tri^t  t)«;crj»ic^i^.  UKja.pa  fpjw  J , 

Lines  from  the  oldest  fragment  of  Snorre's  History  (written  about  1260).     The 
fragment  tells  the  story  of  the  battle  of  Holy  River  and  the  murder  of  Ulf. 


A  LONGSHIP 
(Model  of  the  Gokstad  ship  on  the  waves.) 


1027]  The  Battle  of  Holy  River  223 

Tales  of  chess  games  that  have  resulted  seriously 
for  at  least  one  of  the  players  appear  elsewhere  in 
mediaeval  Hterature;  hence  it  would  not  be  safe 
to  accept  this  account  without  question.  Still, 
there  is  nothing  improbable  about  the  tale;  the 
insult  that  Ulf  offered  was  evidently  seized  upon 
by  the  King  as  a  pretext  for  ridding  himself  of  a 
man  whom  he  believed  to  be  a  traitor.  An  inde- 
pendent English  tradition  credits  Canute  with  a 
passion  for  the  game:  the  historian  of  Ramsey 
tells  us  that  Bishop  Ethelric  once  found  him 
"relieving  the  wearisomeness  of  the  long  night 
with  games  of  dice  and  chess."*  Nor  is  there 
any  reason  to  doubt  that  Ulf  was  actually  assas- 
sinated at  the  time;  his  name  disappears  from  the 
sources. 

A  life  had  been  taken  in  God's  own  house; 
blood  had  been  shed  before  the  very  altar;  even 
though  the  King  had  ordered  it,  the  Church  could 
not  overlook  the  crime.  The  priests  immediately 
closed  the  church;  but  on  the  King's  command, 
it  was  again  opened  and  mass  was  said  as  before. 
It  is  recorded  that  large  possessions  were  added  to 
the  church  when  services  were  resumed.  To  his 
sister  the  widowed  Estrid,  the  King  also  owed 
satisfaction;  we  are  told  that  she,  too,  received 
large  landed  estates.  But  her  young  son  Sweyn, 
who  was  at  this  time  scarcely  more  than  eight 
years  old,  she  prudently  seems  to  have  removed 
from  her  brother's  kingdom;  for  twelve  years  the 

'  Historia  Rameseiensis,  137. 


224  Canute  the  Great  tio26' 

future  King  of  Denmark  was  a  guest  at  the  Swedish 
court.  ^ 

It  seems  that  the  scene  of  his  recent  guilt  had 
small  attraction  for  Canute  after  that  fateful 
Michaelmas  season.  He  is  said  to  have  left  the 
city  and  to  have  taken  up  his  abode  on  his  longship. 
But  not  many  months  later  we  find  him  on  a 
pilgrimage  to  the  capital  of  Christendom.  The 
journey  must  have  been  planned  during  the  au- 
timm  of  1026;  it  was  actually  undertaken  during 
the  early  months  of  the  following  year ;  apparently 
the  pilgrims  arrived  in  Rome  toward  the  end  of 
March. 

We  cannot  be  sure  what  induced  King  Canute 
to  make  this  journey  at  this  particiilar  time.  In 
his  message  to  the  English  people  he  says  that  he 
went  to  seek  forgiveness  for  his  sins ;  but  this  pious 
phrase  is  almost  a  rhetorical  necessity  in  mediaeval 
documents  and  must  not  be  regarded  too  seriously. 
Nor  can  we  trust  the  statement  that  the  King 
had  earlier  vowed  to  make  such  a  pilgrimage,  but 
had  hitherto  been  prevented  by  business  of  state; 
for  the  year  1027  had  surely  but  little  to  offer  in  the 
way  of  leisure  and  peace.  The  motive  must  be 
sought  in  the  political  situation  that  had  developed 
in  the  North  in  the  year  of  the  Holy  River  cam- 
paign, and  in  the  strained  relations  that  must 
have  arisen  between  the  King  and  the  Church. 

No  doubt  the  eyes  of  the  Christian  world  looked 
approvingly  on  the  persistent  efforts  that  Olaf 

'  Adamus,  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  71. 


1027J  The  Pilgrimage  to  Rome  225 

of  Norway,  who  was  canonised  four  years  later, 
was  making  to  extirpate  heathendom  in  the  North. 
Especially  must  the  English  priesthood  have 
looked  with  pride  and  pleasure  on  the  vigorous 
growth  of  the  Norse  daughter  Church,  But  here 
comes  the  Christian  King  of  England  with  hostile 
forces  to  interfere  in  behalf  of  King  Olaf 's  enemies. 
Canute  probably  protested  that  he  would  carry 
on  the  work ;  but  it  is  clear  that  an  absent  monarch 
with  wide  imperial  interests  could  scarcely  hope 
to  carry  out  successfully  a  policy  that  implied 
revolution  both  socially  and  religiously.  His 
hand  had  also  been  raised  against  the  Christian 
ruler  of  Sweden,  which  was  yet  a  heathen  land, 
against  a  prince  in  whom  the  Church  doubtless 
reposed  confidence  and  hope.  Perhaps  worst  of 
all,  Canute's  hand  was  red  with  the  blood  of  his 
sister's  husband,  his  support  at  Holy  River,  whose 
life  had  been  taken  in  violation  of  the  right 
of  sanctuary  and  sacred  peace.  The  mediaeval 
Church  was  a  sensitive  organism  and  offences  of 
this  sort  were  not  easily  atoned  for.  It  was  time 
to  pray  at  Saint  Peter's  tomb.  It  is  also  likely 
that  Canute  hoped  to  gain  certain  political  advan- 
tages from  the  journey :  in  a  strife  with  the  North- 
em  powers  it  would  be  well  to  have  the  Emperor  a 
passive  if  not  an  active  ally ;  and  this  was  the  year 
of  the  imperial  coronation. 

Norse  tradition  remembers  Canute's  pilgrimage 
as  that  of  a  penitent:  "he  took  staff  and  scrip, 
as  did  all  the  men  who  travelled  with  him,  and 

IS 


226  Canute  the  Great  tio26- 

joumeyed  southward  to  Rome;  and  the  Emperor 
himself  came  out  to  meet  him  and  he  accompanied 
him  all  the  way  to  the  Roman  city."^  Sighvat 
the  Scald,  who  was  both  Canute's  and  Olaf's 
friend,  also  mentions  the  pilgrim's  staff  in  his 
reference  to  the  royal  pilgrimage. '  Still,  it  is  not 
to  be  thought  that  gold  was  overlooked  in  prepar- 
ing for  the  journey:  the  saga  adds  that  "King 
Canute  had  many  horses  with  him  laden  with  gold 
and  silver, "  and  that  alms  were  distributed  with  a 
free  hand. 

The  Encomiast,  who  saw  the  King  in  the  monas- 
tery of  Saint  Bertin  in  the  Flemish  city  of  Saint- 
Omer,  also  gives  us  a  picture,  though  one  that  is 
clearly  exaggerated,  of  a  penitent  who  is  seeking 
forgiveness  and  reconciliation.  With  humble  mien 
the  royal  pilgrim  entered  the  holy  precincts;  his 
eyes  cast  down  and  streaming  with  tears,  he 
implored  the  suffrages  of  the  saints;  beating  his 
breast  and  heaving  sighs,  he  passed  from  altar  to 
altar,  kissed  the  sacred  stones,  and  left  large  gifts 
upon  each,  even  upon  the  smallest.  In  addition 
alms  were  distributed  among  the  needy.  ^ 

The  route  followed  was  the  old  one  from  Den- 
mark south-westward  along  the  German  coast  to 
Flanders,  whence  the  journey  went  southward 
through   Lorraine  and   the  Rhone  country.     It 

'  Fagrskinna,  c.  33. 

'  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  136.     The  statement  in  Fagr- 
skinna is  probably  based  on  Sighvat's  verses. 
3  Encomium  Emma,  ii.,  c.  20. 


10271  The  Pilgrimage  to  Rome  22'j 

seems  to  have  been  Canute's  intention  to  visit 
King  Rudolf  of  Burgundy  on  the  way;  but  he  was 
found  to  have  departed  on  a  similar  journey  to  the 
Eternal  City.  The  progress  was  one  that  was 
doubtless  long  remembered  in  the  monasteries 
along  the  route.  Important  institutions  at  some 
distance  from  the  chosen  route  seem  also  to  have 
been  remembered  in  a  substantial  way ;  it  may  have 
been  on  this  occasion  that  a  gift  was  sent  to  the 
monastic  foundation  at  Chartres,  of  which  we 
have  grateful  acknowledgment  in  the  Epistles  of 
Bishop  Fulbert';  and  another  to  the  church  at 
Cologne,  a  costly  psalter  and  sacramentary  which 
some  time  later  found  their  way  back  to  England. ' 
On  Easter  Day  (March  26),  King  Canute  as- 
sisted at  the  imperial  coronation  ceremony;  on  that 
day  King  Conrad  and  Queen  Gisela  received  the 
imperial  crowns  in  the  Chiurch  of  the  Holy  Apos- 
tles. ^  The  assembly  was  large  and  splendid  and 
the  visiting  sovereigns  held  places  of  conspicu- 
ous honour.  When  the  Emperor  at  the  close  of 
the  ceremony  left  the  Church,  Canute  and  Rudolf 
walked  beside  him.     It  was   a  day  of  great  re- 

*  Migne,  Patrologia  Latina,  cxli,  col.  231.  As  to  its  date  the 
letter  furnishes  no  clue.  Bishop  Fulbert  died,  according  to 
Migne's  calculations,  in  April,  1029,  two  years  after  Canute's 
journey. 

» Wharton,  Anglia  Sacra,  ii.,  249;  William  of  Malmesbury's 
Vita  Wulstani,  The  manuscripts  were  illuminated  by  Erven, 
scholasticus  of  Peterborough. 

3  Giesebrecht,  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Kaiserzeit,  ii.,  241-243. 
For  a  collection  of  the  relevant  texts,  see  Bresslau's  Jahrbucher  des 
deutschen  Reichs  unter  Konrad  II.,  i.,  139. 


228  Canute  the  Great  [1026- 

joicing  among  Conrad's  German  followers,  ending, 
as  was  customary,  with  a  fight  between  them  and 
their  Roman  hosts. 

On  the  6th  of  April,  a  great  synod  met  at  the 
Lateran  to  consider  various  weighty  matters  and 
to  settle  certain  important  controversies.  It  may 
have  been  at  this  meeting,  though  preliminary 
negotiations  must  have  prepared  the  matter  to 
some  extent,  that  King  Canute  or  his  spokesman 
stated  the  complaints  of  the  English  Church.  For 
one  thing  he  tirged  that  the  price  extorted  from  the 
English  archbishops  for  the  pallium  was  too  high. 
The  Pope  promised  to  reduce  the  charges  on  condi- 
tion that  Peter's  pence  be  regularly  paid.  Ap- 
parently the  curia  urged  reform  in  church  dues 
generally,  for  a  little  later  Canute  sent  his  English 
subjects  a  sharp  reminder  on  this  point.  The 
Pope  also  agreed  to  exempt  the  English  school  at 
Rome  from  the  customary  tribute.  On  the  whole 
it  seems,  however,  that  the  more  substantial  re- 
sults of  the  negotiations  remained  with  the  Roman 
curia. 

The  English  King  had  another  set  of  grievances 
which  seem  to  have  been  discussed  in  the  same 
synod,  but  which  particularly  interested  the  ruler 
of  Burgundy.  English  and  Danish  pilgrims,  he 
asserted,  were  not  given  fair  and  considerate 
treatment  on  their  journeys  to  Rome:  they  were 
afflicted  with  unjust  tolls  and  with  overcharges 
at  the  inns;  evidently  Canute  also  felt  that  the 
highways  should  be  made  safer  and  justice  more 


1027]  The  Pilgrimage  to  Rome  229 

accessible  to  those  who  travelled  on  holy  errands. 
In  the  matter  of  undue  charges,  the  Burgundians 
appear  to  have  been  especially  gmlty.  The  rea- 
sonableness of  Canute's  request  was  apparent  to 
the  synod,  and  it  was  decreed  that  the  treatment  of 
pilgrims  should  be  liberal  and  just: 

and  all  the  princes  have  engaged  by  their  edict,  that 
my  men,  whether  merchants  or  other  travellers  for 
objects  of  devotion,  should  go  and  return  in  security 
and  peace,  without  any  constraint  of  barriers  or  tolls. » 

From  Rome,  Canute  hurried  back  to  Denmark, 
following  the  same  route,  it  seems,  as  on  the 
journey  south.  Soon  after  his  return  he  sent  a 
message  to  the  English  clergy  and  people,  advising 
them  as  to  his  absence  and  doings  in  Italy. '  From 
the  use  of  the  phrase,  "here  in  the  East"  in  speaking 
of  the  Scandinavian  difficulties,  it  seems  Hkely  that 
the  message  was  composed  in  Denmark  or  some- 
where on  the  route  not  far  from  that  kingdom. 
It  was  carried  to  England  by  Bishop  Lifing  of 
Crediton.  In  this  document  Canute  also  recounts 
the  honours  bestowed  upon  him  in  Italy;  especially 
does  he  recall  the  presents  of  Emperor  Conrad: 
"divers  costly  gifts,  as  well  in  golden  and  silver 

'  See  Appendix  ii.:  Canute's  Charter  of  1027. 

»  The  Anglo-Saxon  original  of  Canute's  Charter  has  been  lost. 
Our  oldest  version  is  a  Latin  translation  inserted  into  the  Chronicle 
of  Florence  of  Worcester  (see  Liebermann,  Gesetze  der  Angel- 
sachsen,  i.,  276,  277).  Most  of  our  information  as  to  Canute's 
pilgrimage  comes  from  this  document. 


230  Canute  the  Great  [1026-10271 

vessels  as  in  mantles  and  vestments  exceedingly 
precious." 

The  document  also  asks  that  the  lawful  church- 
dues  be  regularly  paid, — Peter's  pence, plough  alms, 
church  scot,  and  tithes  of  the  increase  of  animals 
and  of  farm  products.  This  admonition  was  later 
enacted  into  law.  At  the  same  time  he  forbids 
his  sheriffs  and  other  officials  to  do  injustice  to 
any  one,  rich  or  poor,  either  in  the  hope  of  winning 
the  royal  favour  or  to  gain  wealth  for  the  King. 
He  has  no  need  of  wealth  that  has  been  unjustly 
acquired.  But  this  lofty  assertion  of  principle 
looks  somewhat  strange  in  the  light  of  the  fact 
that  the  King  was  in  those  very  days  engaged  in 
bribing  a  nation. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  visit  to  the 
Eternal  City  was  of  considerable  importance 
for  the  future  career  of  the  Anglo-Danish  King. 
Doubtless  Rome  began  to  realise  what  a  power 
was  this  young  monarch  who  up  to  this  time  had 
probably  been  regarded  as  little  better  than  a 
barbarian,  one  of  those  dreaded  pirates  who  had 
so  long  and  so  often  terrorised  the  Italian  shores. 
Here  he  was  next  to  the  Emperor  the  most  redoubt- 
able Christian  ruler  in  Europe.  Probably  Canute 
returned  to  the  North  with  the  Pope's  approval 
of  his  plans  for  empire  in  Scandinavia, — tacit  if 
not  expressed.  John  XIX.  was  a  Pope  whose 
ideal  of  a  church  was  one  that  was  efficiently 
administered  and  he  may  have  seen  in  Canute  a 
ruler  of  his  own  spirit. 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  NORWAY 
IO28-IO3O 

CANUTE  was  still  in  the  Eternal  City  on  the 
6th  of  April,  but  it  is  not  likely  that  he 
remained  in  the  South  much  later  than  that  date. 
With  the  opening  of  spring,  hostilities  might  be 
renewed  in  Scandinavia  at  any  moment.  That 
Canute  expected  a  renewal  of  the  war  is  clear  from 
the  language  of  his  message  to  Britain : 

I  therefore  wish  it  to  be  made  known  to  you  that, 
returning  by  the  same  way  that  I  departed,  I  am  going 
to  Denmark,  for  the  purpose  of  settling,  with  the 
counsel  of  all  the  Danes,  firm  and  lasting  peace  with 
those  nations,  which,  had  it  been  in  their  power, 
would  have  deprived  us  of  our  life  and  kingdom.   .  .  . 

After  affairs  had  been  thus  composed,  he  expected 

to  return  to  England. 

His  plans,  however,  must  have  suffered  a  change. 

So  far  as  we  know,  warlike  operations  were  not 

resumed  that  year;  and  yet,  if  any  overtures  for 

peace  were  made,  they  can  scarcely  have  been 

231 


232  Canute  the  Great  [1028- 

successful.  Some  time  later  in  the  year  Canute 
set  sail  for  England;  but  with  his  great  purpose 
unfulfilled:  for  he  had  promised  in  his  "Charter" 
to  return  to  Britain  when  he  had  "made  peace 
with  the  nations  around  us,  and  regulated  and 
tranqiiillised  all  our  kingdom  here  in  the  East." 
Not  till  next  year  did  he  return  to  the  attack  on 
King  Olaf  Haroldsson.  Hostile  movements  across 
the  Scottish  border  seem  to  have  been  responsi- 
ble for  the  postponement  of  the  projected  con- 
quest. It  is  told  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle 
that  as  soon  as  Canute  had  returned  from  Rome 
he  departed  for  Scotland;  "and  the  King  of  Scots 
submitted  to  him  and  also  two  other  kings,  Msel- 
beathe  and  Jehmarc. " 

Malcolm,  the  son  of  Kenneth,  was  at  this  time 
ruler  of  Scotia,  a  kingdom  composed  chiefly  of 
the  region  between  the  Forth  and  the  river  Spey, 
with  various  outlying  dependencies.  We  do  not 
know  what  called  forth  hostilities  between  Mal- 
colm and  Canute  at  this  time;  but  it  is  possible 
that  the  inciting  force  may  have  been  the  Nor- 
wegian King,  as  difficulties  in  Britain  might  lead 
Canute  to  abandon  his  Norse  pretensions.  As 
overlord  of  the  Orkneys  and  probably  also  of  the 
neighbouring  Scotch  coast  lands.  King  Olaf  natur- 
ally would  be  drawn  into  diplomatic  relations 
with  the  kings  of  Scone.  The  Chronicle  gives  the 
year  of  the  expedition  to  Scotland  as  1031;  but  it 
also  places  it  in  the  year  of  Canute's  pilgrimage, 
which  we  know  to  have  been  made  in  1027. 


1030]  The  Conquest  of  Norway  233 

Malcolm  rendered  some  sort  of  homage  in  1027, 
but  for  what  territories  we  do  not  know.  That  he 
became  Canute's  vassal  for  all  his  possessions  is 
unlikely;  he  had  already  for  a  decade  been  the 
man  of  the  English  King  for  Lothian;  and  the 
probabilities  are  that  the  homage  of  1027  was 
merely  the  renewal  of  the  agreements  entered 
into  after  the  battle  of  Carham  in  1018.  With  the 
Northern  war  still  unfinished,  Canute  cannot 
have  been  in  position  to  exact  severe  terms.  Fur- 
thermore, the  acquisition  of  the  Norwegian  crown 
would  bring  to  Canute  important  possessions  to  the 
north  and  north-west  of  Malcolm's  kingdom  and 
place  him  in  a  more  favoiirable  position  for  con- 
quest at  some  future  time.  Whether  Malcolm 
realised  it  or  not,  further  victories  for  Canute  in 
Scandinavia  would  mean  serious  dangers  for  the 
Scottish  realms. 

The  identity  of  the  other  two  kings,  Maelbeathe 
and  Jehmarc,  is  a  matter  of  conjecture.  Mael- 
beathe was  probably  Macbeth,  who  as  earl  ruled 
the  country  about  Moray  Firth,  the  Macbeth 
whom  we  know  from  Shakespeare's  tragedy. 
Skene  believes  that  Jehmarc,  too,  must  have  ruled 
in  the  extreme  north  or  north-west,  the  region  that 
was  under  Norse  influence.  But  the  language  of 
the  Chronicle  need  not  mean  that  these  kings  were 
both  from  Scotland;  Munch's  conjecture  that 
Jehmarc  was  Eagmargach,  the  Celtic  King  of 
Dublin  after  the  Irish  victory  at  Clontarf,^  is  at 

^Det  norske  Folks  Historie,  I.,  ii.,  673. 


234  Canute  the  Great  [1028^ 

least  plausible.  That  Canute  counted  Irishmen 
among  his  subjects  appears  from  a  stanza  by 
Ottar  the  Swart: 

Let  us  so  greet  the  King  of  the  Danes, 
Of  Irish,  English,  and  Island-dwellers, 
That  his  praise  as  far  as  the  pillared  heaven 
May  travel  widely  through  all  the  earth.* 

If  Munch's  identification  is  correct,  it  reveals  a 
purpose  of  combining  all  the  Scandinavian  West 
with  the  older  kingdoms,  a  policy  that  must  have 
seemed  both  rational  and  practical.  The  homage 
of  Malcolm  and  Macbeth  seems  to  be  mentioned 
by  Sighvat  though  here  again  the  chronology  is 
defective,  the  submission  of  the  kings  "from  far 
north  in  Fife"  being  dated  before  1026. 

In  the  meantime  Norway  was  not  forgotten. 
During  the  year  1027,  while  Canute  was  absent 
in  Rome  or  busied  with  North  British  affairs, 
his  emissaries  were  at  work  in  Norway  still  further 
imdermining  the  tottering  loyalty  of  the  Norwegian 
chiefs.  No  attempt  was  made  at  secrecy — ^it  was 
bribery  open  and  imblushing.  Says  Sighvat  the 
Scald: 

Jealous  foes  of  King  Olaf 
Tempt  us  with  open  purses; 
Gold  for  the  life  of  the  lordly 
Ruler  is  loudly  offered. 

'  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  157  (Vigfusson's  translation 
with  slight  changes). 


1030]  The  Conquest  of  Norway  235 

The  poet  was  a  Christian  and  seems  to  have  taken 
grim  satisfaction  in  the  teachings  of  the  new  faith 
regarding  future  pimishment: 

Men  who  sell  for  molten 
Metal  the  gentle  ruler 
In  swart  Hell  (they  deserve  it) 
Shall  suffer  the  keenest  torture.* 

The  activities  of  the  Danish  envoys  appear  to 
have  extended  to  all  parts  of  the  coimtry,  though 
it  seems  likely  that  their  success  was  greatest  in  the 
West  and  South-west  where  they  enjoyed  the 
protection  and  assistance  of  the  mighty  nobleman 
Erling  Skjalgsson,  who  thus  added  dishonour  to 
stubborn  and  unpatriotic  wilfulness.  After  Holy 
River  Canute  apparently  dismissed  his  fleet  for 
the  winter,  in  part  at  least,  and  Erling  returned 
to  his  estates  at  Soli. 

With  Erling  Canute's  envoys  came  north  and 
brought  much  wealth  with  them.  They  fared  widely 
during  the  winter,  paying  out  the  money  that  Canute 
had  promised  for  support  in  the  autumn  before; 
but  they  also  gave  money  to  others  and  thus  bought 
their  friendship  for  Canute;  and  Erling  supported 
them  in  all  this.' 

Evidence  of  this  activity  appears  in  a  remarkable 
find  of  English  coins  to  the  number  of  1500  near 
Eikunda-sound,  not  far  from  Soli.     The  treasure 

'  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  134. 
'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  161. 


236  Canute  the  Great  [1028- 

was  brought  to  light  in  1836;  most  of  the  coins 
bear  the  effigies  of  Etheh*ed  and  Canute;  all  are 
from  Canute's  reign  or  earlier.*  The  next  year 
(1028)  Canute  sailed  his  fleet  into  Eikunda-sound 
and  remained  there  for  some  time ;  but  there  seems 
no  reason  why  English  money  should  be  secreted 
on  that  occasion.  More  probably  the  treasure 
was  part  of  the  bribe  money;  the  fact  that  it  was 
hidden  woiild  indicate  that  Canute's  agents  found 
the  business  somewhat  dangerous  after  all. 

Gold  alone  does  not  account  for  Saint  Olaf's 
downfall.  There  were  other  reasons  for  the  de- 
fection of  the  aristocracy,  but  these  have  been 
discussed  in  an  earlier  chapter:  there  was  dis- 
satisfaction with  the  new  faith;  there  was  dis- 
satisfaction with  a  regime  that  enjoined  a  firm 
peace  everywhere,  that  aimed  at  equal  justice  for 
all  without  respect  to  birth  or  station,  and  that 
enforced  severe  and  unusual  punishments;  there 
was  also  the  memory  of  the  days  of  the  earls, 
when  the  hand  of  government  was  light  and  the 
old  ways  were  respected. 

In  1028,  Canute  was  ready  to  strike.  Soon  the 
news  spread  that  a  vast  armament  was  approaching 
Norway.  "With  fifty  ships  of  English  thegns,"^ 
the  King  sailed  along  the  Low  German  shores 
to  the  western  mouth  of  the  Lime  Firth.  Among 
the  chiefs  who  accompanied  him  from  England 
were  the  two  earls,  Hakon  and  Godwin.     One  of 

'  Munch,  Det  norske  Folks  Historic,  I.,  ii.,  741. 
'  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1028. 


weo]  The  Conquest  of  Norway  2yj 

Godwin's  men  found  his  death  in  Norway,  as  we 
learn  from  a  runic  monument  raised  by  one  Am- 
stein  over  the  grave  of  his  son  Bjor,  "who  found 
his  death  in  Godwin's  host  in  the  days  when  Canute 
sailed  [back]  to  England."* 

The  ships  that  the  King  brought  from  England 
were  doubtless  large  and  well-manned:  Canute's 
housecarles  may  have  made  up  a  considerable  part 
of  the  crews.  At  the  Lime  Firth  an  immense 
Danish  fleet  was  waiting:  according  to  the  sagas 
1440  ships  made  up  the  fleet  that  sailed  up  to 
the  Norwegian  capital  Nidaros.  Twelve  great 
hundreds  is  evidently  merely  a  round  num- 
ber used  to  indicate  unusual  size;  but  that  the 
armament  was  immense  is  evident  from  the  ease 
with  which  it  accomphshed  its  work.  So  far  as 
we  know,  the  awe-stricken  Norsemen  made  no 
resistance.  In  addition  to  the  English  and 
Danish  ships,  there  were  evidently  not  a  few 
that  were  manned  by  the  housecarles  of  dis- 
affected Norwegian  chiefs. 

Olaf  was  informed  of  Canute's  intentions  and 
did  what  he  could  to  meet  the  invasion.  Men  were 
dispatched  to  Sweden  to  bring  home  the  ships  that 
had  been  abandoned  there  nearly  two  years  before. 
This  was  a  difficult  luidertaking,  for  the  Danes 
kept  close  guard  over  the  passages  leading  out  of 
the  Baltic.  Part  of  the  fleet  the  Norsemen  burned ; 
with  the  rest  they  were  able  to  steal  through  the 
Sound  after  Canute  had  begun  his  advance  toward 

'  Afhandlinger  viede  Sophus  Bugges  Minde,  8. 


238  Canute  the  Great  [1028- 

Norway.  King  Olaf  also  summoned  the  host,  but 
there  came 

Pew  folk  and  little  dragons. 
What  a  disgrace  that  landsmen 
Leave  our  lord  royal 
Unsupported.     (For  money 
Men  desert  their  duties.) 

What  forces  the  Norwegians  were  able  to  collect 
sailed  up  into  Oslo  Firth,  where  King  Olaf  pru- 
dently remained  till  Canute  had  again  departed 
from  the  land.  ^ 

The  northward  progress  of  Canute's  armament 
is  told  in  a  poem  by  Thorarin  Praise-tongue,  who 
had  composed  an  earlier  lay  to  the  King's  honour. " 
"The  lord  of  the  ocean "  sailed  from  the  Lime  Firth 
with  a  vast  fleet.  Canute  seems  to  have  cut  across 
the  strait  to  the  southwestern  part  of  Norway, 
where  the  "  war- trained  men  of  Agdir  saw  in  terror 
the  advance  of  the  hero,"  for  Canute's  dragon 
gleamed  with  steel  and  gold.  "The  swart  ships 
glide  past  Lister"  and  soon  fill  Eikunda-sound. 
And  so  the  joiuney  goes  on  past  the  Hornel-mount 
and  the  promontory  of  Stadt,  till  the  "sea-falcons 
glide  into  the  Nid  River. " 

At  important  points  Canute  landed  and  sum- 
moned the  franklins  to  formal  assemblies.  The 
summons  were  generally  obeyed:  the  franklins 
swore  allegiance  to  the  new  King  and  gave  the 
required  hostages.     Wherever  there  was  occasion 

»  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  i68.  '  Ibid.,  c.  172. 


1030]  The  Conquest  of  Norway  239 

to  do  so,  the  King  appointed  new  local  officials 
from  the  elements  whose  loyalty  he  believed  he 
could  trust.  He  spent  some  time  in  Eikunda- 
sound  where  Erling  Skjalgsson  joined  him  with  a 
large  force.  The  old  alliance  was  renewed  and 
Erling  received  promise  of  all  the  region  between 
the  great  headlands  of  Stadt  and  the  Naze,  with  a 
little  additional  territory  to  the  east  of  the  latter 
point.  This  was  more  than  the  lord  of  Soli  had 
ever  controlled  before.  The  terms  have  not  been 
recorded,  but  Canute  was  always  liberal  in  his 
promises.  ^ 

When  Nidaros  was  reached,  the  eight  shires  of 
the  Throndelaw  were  summoned  to  meet  in  a 
grand  assembly,  the  Ere-thing,  which  met  on  the 
river  sands  at  the  mouth  of  the  Nid.  As  Thrond- 
hjem  was  counted  the  most  important  region  of  the 
kingdom,  the  Ere-thing  throughout  the  middle 
ages  enjoyed  a  prominence  of  its  own  as  the 
assembly  that  accepted  and  proclaimed  the  Nor- 
wegian kings.  Here  then,  Canute  was  formally 
proclaimed  the  true  King  of  Norway,  and  the 
customary  homage  was  rendered.^ 

There  was  no  need  of  going  beyond  Nidaros. 
Thor  the  Dog,  Harek  of  Tjotta,  and  other  great 
lords  from  the  farther  North  were  present  at  the 
Ere-thing  and  took  the  oaths  of  allegiance.  Thor 
came  in  Canute's  fleet;  Harek  joined  the  King 
at  Nidaros.  On  these  two  chiefs  the  King  de- 
pended for  support  in  the  Arctic  regions.     In  re- 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  170.  '  Ibid, 


240  Canute  the  Great  [1028- 

tum  for  their  allegiance  they  received  enlarged 
franchises  and  privileges,  among  other  things  the 
monopoly  of  the  trade  with  the  Finnish  tribes.  ^ 

The  conclusions  of  the  Ere-thing  concerned 
Norway  alone.  A  little  later  a  larger  assembly 
was  called,  a  joint  meeting  of  the  chiefs  of  Norway 
and  of  the  invading  army — magnates  from  Eng- 
land, Denmark,  and  Norway ;  possibly  the  warriors, 
too,  had  some  voice  in  this  assembly.  Here  then, 
in  the  far  North  on  the  sands  of  Nidaros,  was  held 
the  first  and  only  imperial  assembly,  so  far  as  our 
information  goes,  that  Canute  ever  summoned. 
It  was  called  to  discuss  and  decide  matters  of 
interest  common  to  all  the  three  realms — especially 
was  it  to  hear  the  imperial  will,  the  new  imperial 
policy. 

Canute  was  yet  a  young  man — ^he  had  not 
advanced  far  into  the  thirties — but  prudence, 
perhaps  also  wisdom,  had  developed  with  the 
years.  He  realised  that  his  own  person  was  really 
the  only  bond  that  held  his  realms  together;  but 
he  also  understood  that  direct  rule  was  impractic- 
able. The  Norse  movement  was  essentially  a 
revolt  from  Olaf,  not  a  popular  demand  for  union 
with  Denmark.  Among  the  Danes,  too,  there  was 
opposition  to  what  smacked  of  alien  rule,  as  is 
shown  by  the  readiness  with  which  the  magnates 
had  received  the  revolutionary  plans  of  Earl  Ulf. 
No  doubt  it  was  with  reluctance  that  Canute 
announced  a  system  of  vassal  earls  and    kings; 

*  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  170. 


1030]  The  Conquest  of  Norway  241 

however,    no   other   solution   can   have   seemed 
possible. 

To  his  nephew  Hakon  he  gave  the  vice-royalty 
of  Norway  with  the  earl's  title  and  dignity. 
Whether  the  entire  kingdom  was  to  be  included 
in  Hakon's  realm  may  be  doubted;  Southern 
Norway,  the  Wick,  which  was  as  yet  imconquered, 
was  an  old  possession  of  the  dynasty  of  Gorm 
and  may  have  been  excepted.  "Next  he  led  his 
son  Harthacanute  to  his  own  high-seat  and  gave 
him  the  kings-name  with  the  government  of  the 
Danish  realms."'  As  Harthacanute  was  still 
but  a  child  a  guardian  must  be  found,  and  for  this 
position  Canute  seems  to  have  chosen  Harold, 
the  son  of  Thurkil  the  Tall, '  his  own  foster-brother, 
if  tradition  can  be  trusted.  Harold  at  this  time 
was  apparently  in  charge  at  Jomburg,  where  he 
had  probably  stood  in  a  similar  relation  to  Canute's 
older  son  Sweyn  who  was  located  there.  It  is 
significant  that  the  only  one  who  is  awarded  the 
royal  title  is  Harthacanute,  the  youngest  of  the 
King's  three  sons ;  but  he  was  also  the  only  one  who 
was  of  legitimate  birth.  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  Canute  intended  to  make  Harthacanute  the 
heir  to  all  his  realms.  Of  these  arrangements 
Thorarin  Praise-tongue  sings  in  his  lay: 

Then  gave  the  wise 

Wielder  of  Jutland 

Norway  to  Hakon 

His  sister's  son. 

»  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf^  c.  171.  •  Ibid.,  c.  183. 

16 


242  Canute  the  Great  11028- 

And  to  his  own  son 
(I  say  it)  the  old  dark 
Halls  of  the  ocean, 
Hoary  Denmark. » 

Among  the  Norwegian  chiefs  who  thus  far 
had  remained  neutral  was  Einar  Thongshaker, 
the  archer  of  Swald.  But  now  that  the  Ere-thing 
had  acted  and  had  renounced  its  allegiance  to 
Olaf,  Einar  promptly  appeared  and  took  the 
required  oaths.  King  Canute  felt  the  need  of 
binding  the  proud  magnate  closely  to  the  new 
order  of  things,  and  along  with  gifts  and  increased 
feudal  income  went  the  flattering  phrases  that 
next  to  those  who  bore  princely  titles  Einar  should 
be  the  chiefest  in  the  kingdom,  and  that  he  or  his 
son  Eindrid  seemed,  after  all,  most  suited  to  bear 
the  rule  in  Norway,  "were  it  not  for  Earl  Hakon. "" 

There  remained  the  formality  of  taking  hostages, 
sons,  brothers,  or  near  kinsmen  of  the  chiefs, 
"or  the  men  who  seemed  dearest  to  them  and  best 
fitted."  The  fleet  then  returned  to  the  South. 
It  was  a  leisurely  sail,  we  are  told,  with  frequent 
landings  and  conferences  with  the  yeomanry, 
especially,  no  doubt,  in  the  shires  where  no  as- 
semblies had  been  summoned  on  the  northward 
journey.  When  King  Olaf  heard  of  Canute's 
return,  ke  moved  farther  up  the  Oslo  Firth  and 
into  one  of  its  arms,  the  Drammen  Firth.     Here 

'  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  159. 
'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  g.  171. 


AND 

TME  CONQUEST /of  NORWAY 


1030]  The  Conquest  of  Norway  243 

he  apparently  left  his  ships  while  he  and  his  men 
withdrew  some  distance  into  the  interior.  King 
Canute  did  not  pursue  him.  He  sailed  along  the 
south  shores  to  the  Oslo  Firth  and  up  to  Sarps- 
borg,  where  an  assembly  of  the  freemen  accepted 
him  as  King.  From  Sarpsborg  he  returned  to 
Denmark,  where  he  seems  to  have  spent  the  winter. 
Not  till  the  following  year  did  he  care  to  risk  a 
return  to  England;  but  at  that  time  his  Norse 
rival  was  treading  the  path  of  exile  across  the 
Baltic  (1029). 

While  Canute  was  being  hailed  as  King  at 
Sarpsborg,  Olaf  was  in  hiding  two  or  three  days' 
march  distant,  probably  in  the  Ring-realm. 
When  he  learned  of  the  enemy's  departure,  he 
promptly  returned  to  Timsberg  and  tried  to  resiune 
his  sway.  The  situation  was  desperate,  but  he 
wished  to  make  a  last  appeal  to  the  Norsemen's 
feeling  of  loyalty  to  Harold's  dynasty.  And  now 
another  fleet  sailed  up  the  western  shores,  this 
time  the  King's  own.  Only  thirteen  ships  steered 
out  of  Tunsberg  harbour  and  few  joined  later. 
The  season  was  the  beginning  of  winter,  a  most 
unfavourable  time  for  aggressive  operations. 
When  King  Olaf  had  roimded  the  Naze,  he  learned 
that  his  old  enemy,  ErUng  Skjalgsson,  had 
been  levying  forces  in  considerable  numbers. 
Olaf  managed,  however,  to  intercept  ErHng's 
ship  and  overpowered  the  old  chief  after  a  furious 
struggle.  "Face  to  face  shall  eagles  fight;  will 
you  give    quarter?"  Erling  is  reported   to  have 


244  Canute  the  Great  ti028- 

said  when  Olaf  remarked  on  his  bravery.  The 
King  was  disposed  to  reconcihation;  but  during 
the  parley  one  of  his  men  stepped  up  and  clove 
the  rebel's  head.  "Unhappy  man,"  cried  the 
King,  "there  you  struck  Norway  out  of  my  hand ! " 
But  the  overzealous  housecarle  was  forgiven.  ^ 

The  news  of  Erling's  death  fired  the  whole 
coast.  The  magnates  realised  at  once  that  re- 
treat was  now  impossible:  they  must  maintain 
the  cause  of  Canute.  Nowhere  could  King  Olaf 
land,  everywhere  the  yeomanry  called  for  revenge. 
From  the  south  came  the  sons  of  the  murdered 
man  in  vigorous  pursuit ;  in  the  north  Earl  Hakon 
was  mustering  the  Thronder-folk.  Finally  King 
Olaf  was  forced  into  one  of  the  long  inlets  that  cut 
into  the  western  coast.  Here  he  was  trapped; 
flight  alone  was  possible;  but  before  him  lay  wild 
mountain  regions,  one  of  the  wildest  routes  in 
Norway.  It  was  midwinter,  but  the  crossing 
was  successful,  though  the  sufferings  and  difficul- 
ties must  have  been  great.  Exile  was  now  the 
only  choice;  the  journey  continued  to  the  Swedish 
border  and  thence  across  that  kingdom  and  the 
Baltic  Sea  to  Russia. ' 

When  Canute  returned  to  England,  Norway 
was  apparently  loyal,  peaceful,  and  obedient.  So 
far  as  we  know,  he  never  again  visited  the  North. 

The  rule  of  Earl  Hakon  was  brief :  a  year  and  a 
half  at  most.     Of  the  character  of  his  government 

^  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  cc.  174-176. 
'  Ibid.,  cc.  177  ff. 


1030]  The  Conquest  of  Norway  245 

we  have  no  information;  but  the  good-natured, 
easy-going  son  of  Earl  Eric  was  not  a  man  to 
antagonise  the  Norwegian  aristocracy.  His  lack 
of  aggressive  energies  was  thoroughly  appreciated 
at  Winchester :  it  is  difficult  to  determine  whether 
Canute's  attitude  toward  his  nephew  is  to  be  as- 
cribed to  bad  faith  or  lack  of  faith;  at  all  events, 
the  King  seems  anxiously  to  have  sought  a  pre- 
text to  remove  him. 

Among  the  noble  families  of  Thronde-land, 
perhaps  none  ranked  higher  than  the  house  of  the 
Amungs.  Ame  Armodsson  was  a  mighty  chief 
and,  while  he  lived,  a  good  friend  of  King  Olaf . 
Of  his  five  surviving  sons  four  were  faithful  to  the 
King  till  he  fell  at  Stiklestead.  As  we  have  noted 
elsewhere,  the  family  also  had  connections  with 
Olaf's  enemies:  Ame's  daughter  was  the  wife  of 
Harek;  his  son  Kalf  was  married  to  the  widow  of 
Olvi  who  had  been  executed  at  the  King's  orders 
for  practising  heathen  rites ;  somewhat  later  Olvi's 
son  Thorir  was  slain  for  treason  (1027?).  When 
Olaf  left  Norway,  Kalf  deserted  him  and  not  long 
afterwards  made  peace  with  Earl  Hakon  and 
became  his  man.  The  sagas  attribute  this  step 
to  the  influence  of  his  wife  Sigrid  and  her  brother, 
Thor  the  Dog.  Sigrid  is  represented  as  a  woman 
of  the  legendary  type,  possessed  of  a  demon  of 
revenge.  She  had  lost  much:  a  husband  for  his 
fidelity  to  the  old  gods ;  a  son  for  suspected  treason ; 
another  in  an  effort  to  take  vengeance  for  his 
brother.     To  this  motive  was  added  that  of  ambi- 


246  Canute  the  Great  [1028- 

tion,  which  was,  perhaps,  that  which  chiefly  de- 
termined Kalf 's  actions.  Canute  seems  to  have 
been  anxious  to  secure  the  active  support  of  this 
influential  noble  and  probably  had  expressed  a 
desire  for  an  interview;  for  in  the  spring  following 
the  conquest  (1029),  Kalf  prepared  his  ship  and 
sailed  to  England.^ 

It  must  have  been  clear  to  Canute  that  con- 
tinued peace  in  the  North  was  not  to  be  hoped  for. 
That  King  Olaf  Haroldsson,  who  had  begim  his 
career  as  a  viking  while  he  was  yet  a  mere  boy  and 
who  was  still  young,  strong,  and  virile,  would  be 
content  with  permanent  exile  was  unthinkable. 
Canute  must  fiirther  have  realised  that  his  power 
in  Norway  had  no  secure  foundation:  bribery 
could  not  be  employed  forever;  heathendom  was  a 
broken  reed.  His  representative  was  weak,  or,  as 
Canute  is  said  to  have  put  it,  too  "conscientious"; 
in  a  crisis  he  was  not  to  be  trusted.  Einar  Thong- 
shaker  was  of  doubtfiil  loyalty  and  furthermore 
had  nearly  passed  the  limits  of  active  life.  But  here 
was  Kalf,  young  and  influential,  wealthy  and  strong. 

Canute  therefore  proposed  to  Kalf  that  if  Olaf 
should  reappear  in  Norway  he  was  to  raise  the 
militia  and  lead  the  host  against  him.  He  thus 
became,  in  a  way,  Canute's  personal,  though  un- 
official, representative  in  the  kingdom,  with  a 
higher  title  in  prospect: 

I  will  then  give  you  the  earl's  dignity  and  let  you 
govern  Norway;  but  my  kinsman  Hakon  shall  fare 
'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  183. 


1030]  The  Conquest  of  Norway  247 

back  to  me;  and  for  that  he  is  best  suited,  as  he  is  so 
conscientious  that  I  scarcely  believe  he  would  do  as 
much  as  hurl  a  single  shaft  against  King  Olaf ,  if  they 
were  to  meet.* 

Kalf  listened  joyfully;  Canute's  speech  appealed 
to  him;  "and  now  he  began  to  yearn  for  the 
earlship. "  An  agreement  was  made,  and  soon 
Kalf's  ship,  laden  with  gifts,  was  again  sailing 
eastward  over  the  North  Sea.  Bjame  the  Poet 
recalls  these  gifts  and  promises  in  a  praise-lay 
of  which  we  have  fragments : 

The  lord  of  London  made  promise 
Of  lands  ere  you  left  the  westlands 
(Since  there  has  come  postponement) ; 
Slight  was  not  your  distinction.  ^ 

A  few  months  later  the  vice-royalty  was  vacant. 
Soon  after  Kalf's  return  to  Norway,  Hakon 
sailed  to  England;  Canute  had  apparently  sent 
for  him.  The  sources  are  neither  clear  nor  wholly 
agreed  on  this  matter ;  but  practically  all  place  the 
journey  in  some  relation  to  Hakon' s  betrothal  to 
Gunhild,  Canute's  niece,  the  daughter  of  his  sister 
Gunhild  and  a  Slavic  prince,  Witigern.  It  was 
late  in  the  year  before  Hakon  was  ready  to  return 
— sometime  after  Martinsmas  (November  nth), 
says    Florence   of   Worcester.  ^     His    ship    never 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  183. 

'  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  163.  . 

'  Chronicon,  i.,  184-185. 


248  Canute  the  Great  [1028- 

reached  Norway ;  it  went  down  in  a  tempest  in  the 
Pentland  Firth,  probably  in  January,  1030. 

The  EngHsh  sources  have  it  that  Canute  in  fact 
exiled  Hakon,  though  formally  he  sent  him  on  a 
personal  mission ;  but  the  chroniclers  are  evidently 
in  error  in  this  matter.  When  these  writers  speak 
of  outlawry,  they  mean  exile  from  England;  and 
Hakon  was  no  longer  an  English  resident.  Still, 
it  is  extremely  probable  that  Hakon  had  been 
deprived  of  his  ancestral  dignities,  that  he  had 
been  transferred  to  a  new  field.  Two  possibilities 
appear  to  fit  into  the  situation :  the  Earl  may  have 
been  transferred  to  the  north-western  islands  or 
to  Jomburg.  The  Norwegian  dependencies  along 
the  Scottish  shores,  the  Orkneys  and  other  pos- 
sessions, passed  to  Canute  when  he  assumed  the 
Norwegian  crown.  The  fact  that  Hakon's  ship 
went  under  on  the  shores  of  the  Orkneys  may 
indicate  that  he  had  an  errand  in  those  waters, 
that  Canute  had  created  a  new  jurisdiction  for  his 
easy-going  nephew. 

Still  more  is  to  be  said  for  the  alternative 
possibility.  Canute  had  clearly  decided  to  su- 
persede Hakon  in  Norway.  He  had  already,  it 
seems,  selected  his  illegitimate  son  Sweyn  for  the 
Norse  governorship.  The  promotion  of  Sweyn 
would  create  a  vacancy  in  Jomburg;  perhaps 
Hakon  was  intended  as  Sweyn's  successor  at  that 
post.  At  any  rate,  the  King  was  planning  a 
marriage  between  the  Earl  and  a  kinswoman  of  his 
own  who  was  of  the  Slavic  aristocracy,  a  marriage 


10301  The  Conquest  of  Norway  249 

that  would  secure  for  the  Earl  a  certain  support 
among  the  Wendish  nobiUty.  The  prospective 
bride  was  probably  in  Wendland  with  her  kinsmen 
at  the  time;  at  any  rate  she  was  not  on  the  ship 
that  went  down  in  the  Swelchie  of  Pentland  Firth ; 
for  a  few  years  later  we  find  Gunhild  the  widow  of 
one  whose  history  is  closely  associated  with  Jom.- 
burg,  Harold,  the  son  of  Thurkil  the  Tall,  the 
Harold  who  in  1030  was  administering  Danish 
affairs  in  the  name  of  Harthacanute.  Florence 
tells  us  that  in  1044,  Gunhild  was  exiled  from 
England  with  her  two  sons,  Thurkil  and  Heming,  ^ 
Two  fierce  brothers,  it  will  be  recalled,  led  the 
Jomvikings  into  England  in  1009, — Thurkil  and 
Heming.  No  doubt  the  exiled  boys  were  Harold's 
sons,  named  in  honour  of  their  stately  grandfather 
and  his  valiant  brother. 

Once  more  Norway  was  without  a  ruler.  The 
news  of  Hakon's  death  was  not  long  in  reaching 
the  Throndelaw,  and  the  leaders  of  the  various 
factions  seem  to  have  taken  prompt  measures  to 
provide  a  satisfactory  regime.  Einar  Thongshaker, 
mindfiil  of  Canute's  earlier  promises,  got  out  his 
ship  and  repaired  to  England.  As  usual  the 
diplomatic  King  was  prodigal  with  promises  and 
professions  of  friendship:  Einar  should  have  the 
highest  place  in  the  Norse  aristocracy,  a  larger 
income,  and  whatever  honours  the  King  could  give 
except  the  earl's  authority, — that  had  been  as- 
signed  to  Sweyn,   and  messengers  had   already 

*  Chronicon,  i.,  199. 


250  Canute  the  Great  [1028- 

been  dispatched  to  Jomburg  with  instructions 
to  the  young  prince  to  assume  control  at  Nidaros.  * 

The  old  warrior  cannot  have  been  pleased.  It  is 
likely  that  his  loyalty  received  a  violent  shock. 
Knowing  that  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  re- 
store Olaf  to  the  throne,  he  apparently  decided  to 
assume  his  customary  neutral  attitude;  at  any 
rate,  he  would  not  fight  under  Kalf  Amesson's 
banner.  So  he  lingered  in  England  till  the  trouble 
was  over  and  Sweyn  was  in  charge  of  the  kingdom. 

Kalf  did  not  go  to  England;  he  was  busy  carrying 
out  his  promises  to  Canute.  For  hardly  had  the 
merchant  ships  brought  rumours  of  Earl  Hakon's 
death,  before  Olaf's  partisans  took  measures  to 
restore  their  legitimate  King.  Some  of  the  chiefs 
set  out  for  Russia;  and  when  midsimimer  came, 
King  Olaf's  banner  was  advancing  toward  the 
Norwegian  capital.  Kalf  was  prepared  to  meet 
him.  As  it  was  not  known  what  route  Olaf  might 
choose  to  take  or  in  what  region  he  would  set  up 
his  standard,  the  forces  of  the  yeomanry  were 
divided,  the  southern  magnates  under  the  leader- 
ship of  the  sons  of  Erling  undertaking  to  meet  the 
King  if  he  should  appear  in  the  south-east,  while 
the  northern  host  imder  Kalf,  Harek,  and  Thor 
the  Dog  was  preparing  to  hold  the  Throndelaw. 

The  host  that  gathered  to  oppose  the  returned 
exile  was  wholly  Norse:  no  Dane  or  Englishman 
seems  to  have  fought  for  Canute  at  Stiklestead. 
The  only  alien  who  is  prominently  mentioned  in 

*  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  194. 


!iWJiJ!EI^!'J«f:.i" 


!;;  E 


1030]  The  Conquest  of  Norway  251 

chis  connection  is  Bishop  Sigurd,  a  Danish  eccle- 
siastic who  had  served  as  Hakon's  court  bishop 
and  was  a  violent  partisan  of  Canute.  All  the 
western  coast  as  far  as  to  the  Arctic  seems  to  have 
been  represented  in  the  army  of  the  franklins, 
which  is  said  to  have  numbered  14,400,  four  times 
the  number  that  fought  for  the  returned  King. 

Still,  the  disparity  of  forces  was  not  so  great 
after  all.  Most  of  the  kingsmen  were  superb 
warriors,  and  all  were  animated  with  enthusiasm 
for  Olaf's  cause.  It  was  otherwise  in  the  host  of 
the  yeomanry;  many  had  small  desire  to  fight  for 
King  Canute,  and  among  the  chiefs  there  was  an 
evident  reluctance  to  lead.  Kalf  had,  therefore, 
no  difficulty  in  securing  authority  to  command — 
it  was  almost  thrust  upon  him. 

The  battle  was  joined  at  Stiklestead  farm,  about 
forty  miles  north-east  of  the  modem  Throndhjem. 
The  summer  night  is  short  in  the  Northlands  and 
the  long  morning  gave  opportunity  for  careful 
preparation.  At  noon  the  armies  met  and  the 
battle  began.  For  more  than  two  hours  it  raged, 
King  Olaf  fighting  heroically  among  his  men. 
Leading  an  attack  on  the  hostile  standard,  he 
came  into  a  hand-to-hand  conflict  with  the  chiefs 
of  the  yeomanry  and  fell  wotmded  in  three  places. ' 

Saint  Olaf's  day  is  celebrated  on  July  29th,  and 
it  is  generally  held  that  the  battle  was  fought  on 
that  date.     Some  historians  have  thought  that  it 

'  For  details  of  the  battle  see  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  cc. 
215-229. 


252  Canute  the  Great  no28- 

was  really  fought  a  month  later  on  the  last  day 
of  August.  Sighvat  was  that  year  on  a  pilgrimage 
to  Rome,  and  was  consequently  not  an  eye-witness ; 
but  his  lines  composed  after  his  return  are,  never- 
theless, one  of  the  chief  sources  used  by  the  saga- 
men.  The  poet  alludes  to  an  ecHpse  of  the  stm 
on  the  day  of  the  battle: 

They  call  it  a  great  wonder 
That  the  sun  would  not, 
Though  the  sky  was  cloudless, 
Shine  warm  upon  the  men.  * 

Such  an  eclipse,  total  in  that  very  region  at  the 
hour  assigned  to  the  climax  of  the  fight,  actually 
occurred  on  August  31st.  It  is  generally  held, 
however,  that  the  eclipse  came  to  be  associated 
with  the  battle  later  when  the  search  for  miracles 
had  begun. 

The  reaction  was  successfully  met,  but  without 
any  assistance  from  Canute.  Sweyn  had  prepared 
a  large  force  of  Danes,  commanded  it  seems  by 
Earl  Harold,  and  had  hastened  northward;  but 
had  only  reached  the  Wick  when  the  battle  of 
Stiklestead  was  fought.  It  seems  strange  at  first 
thought  that  no  English  fleet  was  sent  to  assist 
Kalf  and  his  associates.  It  is  not  likely  that 
Canute  depended  much  on  the  fidelity  of  the 
Northmen — he  understood  human  nature  better 
than  most  rulers  of  his  time ;  nor  had  he  any  means 
of  knowing  how  widely  the  revolt  would  spread 

'  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  142. 


1030]  The  Conquest  of  Norway  253 

when  the  former  King  should  issue  his  appeal. 
The  key  to  his  seeming  inactivity  must  be  sought 
in  the  international  situation  of  the  time:  England 
was  just  then  threatened  with  an  invasion  from 
the  south,  a  danger  that  demanded  a  concentra- 
tion of  military  resources  on  the  shores  of  the 
Channel. 

The  accounts  that  have  come  down  to  us  of  the 
relations  of  England  and  Normandy  during  the 
latter  half  of  Canute's  reign  are  confused  and 
contradictory;  but  a  few  facts  are  tolerably  clear. 
Some  time  after  the  murder  of  Ulf  (1026),  Canute 
gave  the  widowed  Estrid  in  marriage  to  Robert 
the  Duke  of  Normandy  (1027-1035). '  It  may  be 
that  on  his  return  from  Rome  in  the  spring  of 
1027  Canute  had  a  conference  with  Robert,  who 
had  succeeded  to  the  ducal  throne  in  the  previous 
February.  But  whether  such  a  meeting  occurred 
or  not,  Robert  had  serious  trouble  before  him  in 
Normandy  and  no  doubt  was  eager  for  an  alliance 
with  the  great  King  of  the  North.  The  marriage 
must  have  taken  place  in  1027  or  1028 ;  a  later  date 
seems  improbable.  The  father  of  William  Bastard 
is  not  famous  for  conjugal  fidelity  and  may  not 
have  been  strongly  attracted  by  the  Danish  widow ; 
at  any  rate,  he  soon  repudiated  her,  perhaps  to 
Estrid's  great  relief,  as  Duke  Robert  the  Devil 
seems  not  to  have  borne  his  nickname  in  vain. 
The  characteristics  of  the  Duke  that  most  im- 

'  The  evidence  for  this  marriage  is  discussed  by  Freeman  in 
Norman  Conquest,  i.,  Note  ppp. 


254  Canute  the  Great  11028- 

pressed  his  contemporaries  were  a  ferocious  dis- 
position and  rude,  untamed  strength. 

It  is  Hkely,  however,  that  the  break  with  Canute 
is  to  be  ascribed  not  so  much  to  domestic  infelicity 
as  to  new  poHtical  ambitions;  at  the  court  of 
Rouen  were  the  two  sons  of  King  Ethelred, 
Edward  and  Alfred,  who  had  grown  to  manhood 
in  Normandy.  It  apparently  became  Robert's 
ambition  to  place  these  princes  on  English  thrones, 
which  he  could  not  hope  to  accomplish  without 
war.  An  embassy  was  sent  to  Canute  (perhaps 
in  1029),  somewhat  similar  to  the  one  that  Canute 
had  sent  to  Norway  a  few  years  before,  bearing 
a  similar  errand  and  equipped  with  similar  argu- 
ments. Evidently  the  Norman  ambassadors  did 
not  receive  kind  treatment  at  the  English  court. 
Their  report  stirred  the  Duke  to  great  wrath;  he 
ordered  a  fleet  to  be  prepared  for  an  invasion  of 
England.  "^  Most  likely  that  was  the  time,  too, 
of  the  Duchess  Estrid's  disgrace. 

The  expedition  sailed,  but  a  storm  sent,  as 
William  of  Jumi^ges  believes,  by  an  overruling 
Providence,  "who  had  determined  that  Edward 
should  some  day  gain  the  crown  without  the 
shedding  of  blood,"  drove  the  fleet  in  a  westerly 
direction  past  the  peninsula  of  Cotentin  to  the 
shores  of  Jersey.  Robert  was  disappointed,  but 
the  fleet  was  not  prepared  in  vain:  instead  of 
attacking  England,  the  Duke  proceeded  against 
Brittany  and  forced  his  enemy  Duke  Alain  to  seek 

*  William  of  Jumifeges,  Historia  Normannorum,  vi.,  c.  lo. 


1030]  The  Conquest  of  Norway  255 

peace  through  the  mediation  of  the  Church  at 
Rouen. ' 

These  events  must  have  occurred  after  Canute's 
return  from  the  North, — ^in  the  years  1029  and 
1030.  No  other  period  seems  possible;  it  is  not 
likely  that  the  threatened  hostilities  could  have 
been  later  than  1030,  for  in  103 1  a  new  King,  Henry 
I.,  ascended  the  French  throne  and  Robert  the 
Devil  became  involved  in  the  resulting  civil  war. ' 

If  our  chronology  is  correct,  the  summer  of  1030 
saw  the  Northern  Empire  threatened  from  two 
directions;  in  Norway  it  took  the  form  of  revolt; 
in  Normandy  that  of  threatened  invasion.  In 
both  instances  legitimate  claimants  aimed  to 
dislodge  a  usurper.  The  danger  from  the  South 
was  by  far  the  greater;  Olaf's  harsh  rule  had  not 
yet  been  forgotten  by  the  Norsemen,  nor  had  they 
yet  experienced  the  rigours  of  alien  rule.  England 
was  quiet  and  apparently  contented;  but  what 
effect  the  pretensions  of  the  Ethelings  wotdd  have 
on  the  populace  no  one  could  know.  We  may  be 
sure  that  Canute  was  ready  for  the  invader;  but 
so  long  as  the  Norwegian  troubles  were  still 
unsettled,  he  wisely  limited  himself  to  defensive 
operations. 

It  is  also  related,  though  not  by  any  contempo- 
rary writer,  that  Canute  was  dangerously  ill  at  the 

'William  of  Jumi^ges,  Historia  Normannorunt,  vi.,  cc.  lo,  ii. 

'  This  was  followed  by  a  famine  in  the  duchy  (1033)  which 
probably  induced  the  Duke  to  make  his  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  on  the  return  from  which  he  died  (1035). 


256  Canute  the  Great  11028-1030] 

time  of  the  Norman  trouble,  and  that  he  at  one 
time  expressed  a  willingness  to  divide  the  English 
kingdom  with  the  Ethelings.  ^  Whether  he  was  ill 
or  not,  such  an  offer  does  not  necessitate  the  infer- 
ence either  of  despair  or  of  fear  for  the  outcome. 
The  offer  if  made  was  doubtless  a  diplomatic  one, 
on  par  with  the  promises  to  the  Norwegian  rebels, 
made  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  time,  perhaps, 
imtn  Norway  was  once  more  pacified. 

But  fortune  had  not  deserted  the  great  Dane. 
When  autumn  came  in  1030,  the  war  clouds  had 
passed  and  the  northern  skies  were  clear  and 
cheerful.  Canute's  Norwegian  rival  had  gone  to 
his  reward;  his  Norman  rival  was  absorbed  in  other 
interests.  Without  question  Canute  was  now 
Emperor  of  the  North. 

*  William  of  Jumifeges,  Historic  Normannorum,  vi.,  c.  12. 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  EMPIRE  OF  THE  NORTH 

WHEN  the  eleventh  centiiry  began  its  fotirth 
decade,  Canute  was,  with  the  single  excep- 
tion of  the  Emperor,  the  most  imposing  ruler  in 
Latin  Christendom.  Less  than  twenty  years 
earlier  he  had  been  a  landless  pirate  striving  to 
dislodge  an  ancient  and  honoured  dynasty;  now 
he  was  the  lord  of  four  important  realms  and  the 
overlord  of  other  kingdoms.  Though  technically 
Canute  was  counted  among  the  kings,  his  position 
among  his  fellow-monarchs  was  truly  imperial. 
Apparently  he  held  in  his  hands  the  destinies  of 
two  great  regions;  the  British  Isles  and  the  Scan- 
dinavian peninsulas.  His  fleet  all  but  controlled 
two  important  seas,  the  North  and  the  Baltic. 
He  had  built  an  empire. 

It  was  a  weak  structure,  founded  too  largely 
on  the  military  and  diplomatic  achievements  of  a 
single  man ;  but  the  King  was  young — in  the  ordin- 
ary course  of  nature  he  shoiild  have  lived  to  rule 
at  least  thirty  years  longer — and  with  careful 
diplomatic  effort,  of  which  he  was  a  master,  he 
might  be  expected  to  accomplish  great  things  in  the 
way  of  consolidating  his  dominions.  But  instead 
17  257 


258  Canute  the  Great 

of  thirty  years,  the  fates  had  counted  out  less  than 
half  a  dozen.  In  this  period  he  was  able  to  do 
almost  nothing  to  strengthen  the  bonds  of  empire. 
Canute's  power  did  not  long  remain  at  its  zenith — 
the  decline  began  almost  immediately.  In  this 
there  is  nothing  strange ;  the  marvel  is  in  the  fact 
that  such  an  empire  was  actually  built. 

Of  Canute's  many  dominions,  the  kingdoms 
of  Denmark,  England,  and  Norway  had  fairly 
distinct  boundaries.  Lothian  might  be  in  ques- 
tion between  England  and  Scotland;  the  Nor- 
wegian kings  had  claimed  certain  territories  across 
the  Scandinavian  watershed,  Jemteland,  a  Norse 
colony  in  Swedish  possession;  but  otherwise  the 
limits  were  tolerably  definite.  The  fourth  divi- 
sion, the  Slavic  lands  on  the  southern  rim  of  the 
Baltic,  was  a  more  indefinite  area.  Its  limits  are 
unknown;  perhaps  it  should  be  called  a  sphere  of 
influence  rather  than  a  province.  There  were, 
however,  certain  evident  nuclei ;  the  regions  about 
the  lower  course  of  the  Oder  with  Jomburg  as  the 
chief  city  were  doubtless  the  more  important  part; 
in  addition  there  was  Semland  in  the  extreme  east 
of  modem  Prussia,  Witland  a  trifle  farther  west 
where  the  Vistula  empties  into  the  sea;  and  doubt- 
less some  of  the  intervening  territories.  There 
are  indications  that  Danish  settlements  had  also 
been  planted  in  the  region  of  the  modem  city  of 
Riga' ;  but  as  to  their  probable  relation  to  Canute's 
empire  the  sources  are  silent. 

*  Steenstrup,  Normannerne,  u,  195-199. 


The  Empire  of  the  North  259 

In  addition  to  England,  Canute  possessed  import- 
ant territories  elsewhere  in  the  British  archipelago. 
The  King  of  Scotland  was  his  vassal,  at  least  for  a 
part  of  his  dominions;  and  we  have  seen  that  at 
least  one  other  Scottish  king,  probably  from  the 
extreme  north  of  the  island,  had  done  homage  to 
Canute.  It  has  also  been  shown  that  the  Norse- 
Irish  kingdom  of  Dublin  should,  perhaps,  be 
counted  among  his  vassal  states.  As  King  of 
Norway,  Canute  was  lord  of  the  Shetlands  and  the 
Orkneys,  perhaps  also  the  Hebrides,  and  other 
Norse  colonies  on  the  west  shores  of  Scotland. 
The  Faroes  were  not  wholly  subject  and  the  Ice- 
landic republic  still  maintained  its  independence; 
but  the  straggling  settlements  in  far-off  Greenland 
seem  to  have  acknowledged  their  dependence  on 
the  Norwegian  crown.  ^ 

Any  definite  imperial  policy  Canute  seems  never 
to  have  developed.  In  his  own  day  the  various 
units  were  nominally  ruled  by  earls  or  sub-kings, 
usually  chosen  from  the  King's  own  immediate 
family ;  but  the  real  power  was  often  in  the  hands 
of  some  trusted  chief  whom  the  King  associated 
with  the  lord  who  bore  the  title.  If  time  had  been 
granted,  some  form  of  feudalism  might  have  de- 
veloped out  of  this  arrangement;  but  it  had  few 
feudal  characteristics  in  Canute's  own  day.  It 
was  evidently  Canute's  intention  to  continue  the 
scheme  of  one  king  for  the  entire  group  of  domin- 
ions, for  at  the  imperial  assembly  at  Nidaros,  he 

'  Munch,  Del  norske  Folks  Historic,  I.,  ii,,  704,  705, 


26o  Canute  the  Great 

placed  Harthacanute  in  the  high-seat  and  gave  him 
the  administration  of  Denmark,  which  was,  after 
all,  the  central  kingdom.  The  Encomiast  bears 
further  testimony  as  to  Canute's  intention  when 
he  tells  us  that  all  England  had  taken  an  oath  to 
accept  Harthacanute  as  king.^  It  seems  that 
Canute,  to  secure  the  succession  to  his  legitimate 
son,  had  adopted  the  Capetian  expedient  of  as- 
sociating the  heir  with  himself  in  the  kingship 
while  he  was  still  living. 

So  long  as  obedience,  especially  in  matters  of 
miHtary  assistance,  was  duly  rendered,  few  diffi- 
culties were  likely  to  arise  between  the  supreme 
lord  of  Winchester  and  his  subordinates  in  Nidaros, 
Roeskild,  or  Jomburg.  As  the  union  was  personal, 
each  kingdom  retained  its  own  laws  and  its  own 
system  of  assembHes,  though  this  must  have  been 
true  to  a  less  extent  in  the  Slavic  possessions, 
as  these  seem  to  have  been  regarded  almost  as 
a  Danish  dependency.  When  the  reign  closed, 
Harthacanute  was  governing  Denmark;  Sweyn 
assisted  by  his  mother  Elgiva  had  charge  of  Nor- 
way, though  at  that  moment  the  Norwegian  rebels 
were  in  actual  control.  Canute  ruled  England 
himself,  not  because  it  was  regarded  as  the  chief 
or  central  kingdom,  but  more  likely  because  it 

'  Encomium  Emma,  ii.,  c.  19.  The  Encomiast  is  intensely 
partisan  and  much  given  to  exaggeration;  but  we  cannot  reject 
the  statement  as  to  the  EngHsh  oath  without  convicting  him  of  a 
worse  fault  for  which  there  was  scarcely  a  sufficient  motive  at  the 
time  when  the  Encomium  was  composed. 


The  Empire  of  the  North  261 

could  not  with  safety  be  entrusted  to  any  one 
else. 

So  far  as  the  Empire  had  any  capital,  that  dis- 
tinction appears  to  have  belonged  to  the  ancient 
city  of  Winchester.  Here  in  the  heart  of  Wessex 
was  the  seat  of  English  government,  the  royal  and 
imperial  residence.  We  naturally  think  of  Ca- 
nute's household  as  an  English  court;  but  it  is 
difficult  to  determine  what  racial  influences  were 
in  actual  control.  Nor  do  we  know  what  was  the 
official  language  in  Canute's  royal  garth;  but  the 
probabilities  are  that  both  Old  EngUsh  and  Old 
Norse  were  in  constant  use.  The  housecarles 
who  guarded  the  royal  person  and  interests  were 
in  large  part  of  Scandinavian  birth  or  blood. 
The  Norse  poets  who  sang  praise-lays  in  the  royal 
hall  at  Winchester  sang  in  their  native  dialects. 
Of  the  King's  thegns  who  witnessed  Canute's 
land  grants,  as  a  rule  about  one  half  bear  Scandina- 
vian names ;  there  can  be  Httle  doubt  that  most  of 
these  were  resident  at  court,  at  all  events  those 
whose  names  appear  in  more  than  one  document. 

Other  nationalities,  too,  were  represented  at 
Winchester.  In  the  enrolment  of  housecarles, 
the  King  asked  for  strength,  valour,  wealth,  and 
aristocratic  birth;  not,  it  seems,  for  Danish  or 
English  ancestry.  The  bishops  that  Canute  sent 
from  England  to  Denmark  appear  to  have  been 
Flemings  or  Lotharingians.  William  who  in  a  later 
reign  became  bishop  of  Roeskild  is  said  to  have 
come  to  Denmark  as  Canute's  private  secretary 


262  Canute  the  Great 

or  chancellor;  but  William  is  neither  a  Northern 
nor  a  Saxon  but  a  Norman  name.  And  thus  with 
Dane  and  Angle,  Norman  and  Norseman,  Swede 
and  Saxon,  Celt  and  German  thronging  the  royal 
garth  the  court  at  Winchester  must  have  borne 
an  appearance  that  was  distinctly  non-English. 
As  at  other  courts,  men  came  and  went;  and  the 
stories  of  the  splendoiirs  at  Winchester  were  given 
wide  currency.  The  dissatisfied  Norsemen  who 
sought  refuge  in  England  foimd  at  Canute's  court 

greater  magnificence  than  in  any  other  place,  both 
as  to  the  number  in  daily  attendance  and  as  to  the 
furnishings  and  equipments  of  the  palaces  that  he 
owned  and  occupied.  * 

Sighvat  the  Scald,  who  had  seen  Rouen  and  visited 
Rome,  was  so  deeply  impressed  with  the  glories 
of  Canute's  capital  that  in  his  praise-lay  he  intro- 
duced the  refrain: 

Canute  was  under  heaven 
The  most  glorious  King. " 

There  seems  also  to  have  been  a  notable  Slavic 
element  in  Canute's  retinue.  Attention  has  been 
called  to  the  King's  Slavic  ancestry:  the  Slavic 
strain  was  evidently  both  broader  and  deeper 
than  the  Danish.  One  of  the  King's  sisters  bore  a 
Slavic  name,  Santslave^;  another  sister,  Gunhild, 

^  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  130. 

'  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  135-136. 

3  Steenstrup,  Venderne  og  de  Danske,  64-65.  The  name  occurs 
in  the  Liber  Vibce  of  Winchester  in  a  list  of  benefactors.  See 
above  p.  57. 


The  Empire  of  the  North  263 

married  a  Slavic  "king, "  Wyrtgeom  or  Witigem,  * 
who  may  have  been  the  Wrytsleof  who  witnessed 
an  English  land  grant  in  1026*;  possibly  he  was 
visiting  his  English  kinsfolk  at  the  time.  Among 
the  chiefs  of  the  imperial  guard  was  one  Godescalc, 
the  son  of  a  Slavic  prince,  though  Danish  on  the 
maternal  side;  he,  too,  married  into  the  Danish 
royal  family.  ^ 

The  affairs  of  each  separate  kingdom  were 
evidently  directed  from  the  national  capitals 
and  administered  largely  by  native  functionaries. 
At  the  same  time,  it  seems  to  have  been  Canute's 
policy  to  locate  Danish  officials  in  all  his  principal 
dominions,  at  least  in  the  higher  offices.  The 
appointment  of  Danes  to  places  of  importance  in 
England  has  been  noted  in  an  earHer  chapter. 
With  the  subjection  of  Norway,  a  number  of 
Danes  received  official  appointments  in  that 
kingdom.  A  leading  cause  of  the  Norwegian 
revolt  in  1 034-1 035  was  the  prominence  given  to 
aliens  in  the  councils  of  the  regent  Sweyn :  "  Danish 
men  had  in  those  days  much  authority  in  Norway, 
but  that  was  liked  ill  by  the  men  of  the  land."'' 
On  the  other  hand,  no  Englishman  seems  to  have 
received    official    responsibilities    in    the    North 

■  Steenstrup,  Venderne  og  de  Danske,  65.  Florence  of  Wor- 
cester, Chronicon,  i.,  199. 

'  Kemble,  Codex  Diplomaticus,  No.  743. 

3  After  Canute's  death,  Godescalc  returned  to  his  native 
country  and  took  up  the  cause  of  Christian  mission  effort  among 
the  heathen  Wends.     Adamus,  Gesta,  ii.,  cc.  64,  75. 

*  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  247. 


264  Canute  the  Great 

except  in  the  Church;  and  it  may  be  doubted 
whether  Canute  sent  many  Anglian  prelates  to  his 
realms  in  the  east;  the  bishops  that  we  have 
record  of  seem  to  have  been  Normans,  Flemings, 
or  clerks  from  the  Danelaw.  When  a  court 
bishop  was  to  be  found  for  the  household  of  Earl 
Hakon,  the  choice  fell  upon  Sigurd,  a  Dane  and  a 
violent  friend  of  Danish  rule. 

Of  Canute's  diplomacy  the  sources  afford  us 
only  an  occasional  glimpse;  but  the  information 
that  we  have  indicates  that  he  entered  into  diplo- 
matic relations  with  almost  every  ruler  of  import- 
ance in  Northern  and  Western  Europe.  The  King 
of  Scotland  became  his  vassal.  The  sagas  tell 
of  an  embassy  to  Sweden  in  the  years  preceding 
the  attack  on  Norway.  During  the  same  period 
Canute's  cousin,  the  King  of  Poland,  apparently 
sought  his  alliance  against  the  Germans.  With 
the  Emperor  he  maintained  the  closest  relations. 
The  Norman  dukes  were  bound  to  the  Danish 
dynasty  by  the  noble  ties  of  marriage.  On  his 
visit  to  Rome  the  English  King  came  into  personal 
contact  with  the  King  of  Burgimdy  and  His 
Holiness  the  Pope.  Even  to  distant  Aquitaine 
did  the  mighty  monarch  send  his  ambassadors 
with  messages  of  good- will  in  the  form  of  substan- 
tial presents.  In  a  panegyric  on  William  the 
Great,  the  Duke  of  Aquitaine,  Ademar  of  Cha- 
bannes  writes  that  every  year  embassies  came  to 
the  Duke's  court  with  precious  gifts  from  the  kings 
of  Spain,  France,  and  Navarre,  "and  also  from 


The  Empire  of  the  North  265 

Canute,  King  of  the  Danes  and  the  Angles"; 
and  the  chronicler  adds  that  the  messengers 
brought  even  more  costly  presents  away.  ^  On  one 
occasion  "the  King  of  that  country  [England] 
sent  a  manuscript  written  with  letters  of  gold 
along  with  other  gifts.  "^  As  this  statement 
seems  to  have  been  written  in  1028,  and  as  the 
author  emphasises  the  fact  that  this  beautiful 
codex  had  arrived  "recently,"  it  seems  probable 
that  this  embassy  should  be  associated  with  Ca- 
nute's pilgrimage  to  Rome  the  year  before.  It  is 
not  strange  that  Canute  should  wish  to  honour  a 
prince  like  William;  and  it  is  only  natural  that  he 
should  wish  to  placate  a  people  who  had  suffered 
so  much,  as  the  Aquitanians  had,  from  the  raids 
and  inroads  of  his  former  associates  and  his  allies, 
the  vikings  and  the  Normans. 

With  respect  to  his  immediate  neighbours,  Ca- 
nute's policy  was  usually  absorption  or  close 
friendship.  What  he  felt  he  could  add  to  his 
dominions,  he  added;  where  this  was  not  possible, 
he  sought  peace  and  alliance.  His  diplomacy 
must  have  concerned  itself  especially  with  three 
states:  Normandy,  Sweden,  and  the  Empire.  As 
to  his  relations  with  Sweden  after  the  encounter  at 
Holy  River,  history  is  silent;  but  war  was  evidently 

"  Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Scriptores,  iv.,  134;  Ad^mar's  Chronicle,  ii.,  c 
41. 

"  Migne,  Patrologia  Latina,  cxli.,  col.  122:  sermon  by  Ad6- 
mar.  Migne  considers  the  sermon  of  doubtful  genuineness, 
possibly  because  he  thought  its  delivery  should  go  back  to  998, 
when  in  reality  1028  seems  to  be  the  correct  date. 


266  Canute  the  Great 

avoided.  Canute  probably  regarded  any  effort  to 
extend  his  territories  eastward  as  an  unwise, move, 
so  long  as  the  disappointed  Norwegian  chiefs  con- 
tinued to  show  signs  of  unrest  and  rebellion. 

With  Normandy  he  lived  in  continuous  peace 
for  more  than  a  decade,  until  Robert  the  Devil 
took  up  the  cause  of  the  exiled  princes.  That 
Canute  feared  a  move  in  this  direction  seems 
evident ;  and  as  Queen  Emma's  influence  at  Rouen 
was  probably  weakened  by  the  death  of  Richard 
the  Good  (1027),  it  was  no  doubt  in  the  hope  of 
strengthening  his  position  at  the  ducal  court  that 
Canute  sought  the  title  of  duchess  for  his  widowed 
sister.  As  we  have  seen,  his  success  was  only 
temporary,  and  for  a  time  war  seemed  imminent. 
But  the  confused  situation  in  the  French  kingdom 
at  this  time  proved  Canute's  salvation.  In  the 
civil  war  that  followed  the  accession  of  Henry  I. 
to  the  French  throne  in  103 1,  Robert  of  Normandy 
took  a  leading  part  on  the  King's  side;  and  it  was 
largely  due  to  his  efforts  that  Henry  finally  over- 
came his  enemies.'  Meanwhile,  the  sons  of 
Ethelred  and  Emma  had  to  wait  several  years 
before  another  opportunity  appeared  with  sufficient 
promise  to  tempt  the  exiles  back  across  the  Channel. 
For  soon  after  the  French  King  was  safely  en- 
throned, famine  came  upon  Normandy,  an  afflic- 
tion that  led  Robert  the  Devil  to  think  of  a  visit  to 
the  grave  of  Christ.  The  journey  was  undertaken 
but  on  the  return  the  Duke  died  in  Asia  Minor 

'  Lavisse,  Histoire  de  France,  II.,  ii.,  162. 


The  Empire  of  the  North  267 

(1035).  His  successor  was  William  who  finally 
conquered  England;  but  William  was  a  child  and 
Canute  had  no  longer  any  fears  from  that  direction. 
A  few  months  after  Robert's  death  the  King  of 
England  also  closed  his  earthly  career.  Had 
Robert  survived  Canute,  it  is  likely  that  some  of 
the  results  of  Hastings  might  have  come  thirty 
years  earHer  than  they  did. 

After  10 1 9,  when  Canute  ascended  the  Danish 
throne,  the  attitude  and  plans  of  the  Emperor 
became  an  important  factor  in  Northern  diplomacy. 
The  Empire  was  a  dangerous  neighbour;  the 
Ottos  had  apparently  been  ambitious  to  extend 
their  authority  throughout  the  entire  Jutish  penin- 
sula. But  during  Canute's  reign  neither  power 
coiild  afford  to  offend  the  other;  and  the  Danes 
were  therefore  able  to  keep  continued  peace  along 
the  southern  borders  of  the  kingdom.  At  one 
time,  when  the  Emperor  found  himself  in  serious 
difficulties,  Canute  was  able  to  drive  a  hard  bar- 
gain and  exchange  his  friendship  for  a  strip  of 
imperial  territory. 

It  is  not  likely  that  the  German  kings  looked 
with  much  favour  on  Danish  expansion  at  the 
mouths  of  the  Vistula  and  the  Oder,  but  they  were 
not  in  position  to  prevent  it.  In  1022,  when 
Canute  made  his  expedition  to  Wendland,  the 
Emperor  Henry  II.  was  absent  in  Italy,  striving, 
as  usual,  to  reduce  disorder.  ^  Two  years  later  he 
died,  and  Conrad  of  Franconia  was  chosen  King 

•  Manitius,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  322-323. 


268  Canute  the  Great 

of  the  Germans.  His  election  was  the  signal  for 
uprisings  and  plots  almost  along  the  whole  length 
of  the  border,  in  Poland,  in  Lorraine,  and  in  Lom- 
bardy.  ^  Boleslav,  King  of  the  Poles,  died  in  the 
following  year  (1025),  but  his  successor  continued 
the  policy  of  hostility  to  the  Germans  and  seems 
to  have  sought  the  alliance  of  his  cousin  Canute 
against  the  Teutonic  foes.^  Conrad,  too,  sought 
Canute's  friendship  and  was  able  to  outbid  his 
Polish  rival.  It  was  agreed  that  there  should  be 
perpetual  peace  between  Conrad  and  Canute, 
and  to  cement  the  good  understanding  and  secure 
its  continuance  in  years  to  come,  Canute's  little 
daughter  Gunhild,  who  could  not  yet  have  been 
more  than  five  or  six  years  old,  was  betrothed  to 
Conrad's  son  Henry,  who  was,  perhaps,  three 
years  older.  ^  The  covenant  was  kept,  and  Henry 
received  his  bride  about  ten  years  later  (1036), 
after  the  death  of  Canute.  The  bridegroom  was 
the  mighty  Emperor  Henry  III.,  though  he  did 
not  attain  to  the  imperial  dignity  before  the  death 
of  Conrad  in  1039.  Gunhild  was  crowned  Queen 
of  Germany  and  as  a  part  of  the  ceremony  received 
the  more  honoured  German  name  Kunigund;  but 
she  never  became  empress,  as  she  died  in  1038.'* 
In  return  for  his  friendship,  Canute  received  the 
mark  of  Sleswick,  a  strip  of  land  between  the 
Schley  and  the  Eider,  that  Henry  the  Fowler  had 

'  Manitius,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  360-361,  365,  389  S. 

'  Ibid.,  369-370.  3  Adamus,  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  54. 

*  Danmarks  Riges  Historic,  i.,  409. 


The  Empire  of  the  North  269 

taken  from  the  Danes  a  century  before.  Thus  the 
Eider  once  more  became  the  boundary  of  the 
Danish  kingdom.  But  apart  from  territorial 
acquisitions,  Canute  was  doubtless  glad  to  con- 
clude the  treaty,  as  he  was  just  then  planning 
the  conquest  of  Norway.  The  negotiations  with 
Conrad  were  probably  concluded  in  the  year  1025 
or  1026,  though  more  likely  in  the  former  year.^ 

Perhaps  at  the  same  time  the  German  King 
invited  his  ally  to  participate  in  his  coronation  as 
Emperor;  for  in  1027  Canute  journeyed  to  Rome 
to  witness  the  great  event.  There  can  be  little 
doubt  that  on  this  occasion  the  pledges  were 
renewed.  But  even  in  the  absence  of  formal 
treaties  there  was  small  occasion  for  Conrad  to 
make  trouble  for  his  neighbour  to  the  north.  The 
years  following  his  coronation  in  Rome  saw  four 
serious  revolts  in  Germany;  not  till  1033  was  real 
order  restored  in  Conrad's  kingdom. 

There  was  another  power  that  Canute  cotdd  not 
afford  to  antagonise  or  even  ignore :  no  mediaeval 
monarch  could  long  flourish  if  he  overlooked  the 
needs  of  the  Church.  During  the  first  years  of  his 
English  kingship,  Canute  does  not  seem  to  have 
sought  to  conciliate  the  clergy ;  but  after  a  few  years 
he  apparently  adopted  a  new  policy  and  strove 
to  ally  himself  with  the  priesthood.  It  was  as 
king  of  England  that  he  first  succeeded  in  forming 
such  an  alliance ;  in  his  other  kingdoms,  the  eccle- 

^  Adamus,  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  54.  Manitius  {Deutsche  Geschichte, 
370)  believes  the  cession  was  not  made  before  1035. 


270  Canute  the  Great 

siastical  problem  assumed  a  somewhat  different 
form. 

With  the  head  of  Christendom,  Canute's  rela- 
tions seem  to  have  been  cordial  throughout  his 
entire  reign.  It  was  the  papacy  that  made  the 
first  move  to  establish  such  relations:  in  1019 
Archbishop  Lifing  brought  a  message  back  from 
Rome  replete  with  good  advice  which  seems  to 
have  flattered  the  young  Dane.  The  pilgrimage 
to  Rome  doubtless  strengthened  the  bond;  espe- 
cially must  the  King's  later  efforts  to  see  that  the 
proper  church  dues  were  collected  have  pleased 
the  Popes  of  that  period.  For  the  papacy  had 
fallen  low  in  that  age:  the  Pope  whom  Canute 
visited  was  only  a  layman  up  to  the  day  of  his 
election  to  the  sacred  office ;  his  successor  Benedict 
is  said  to  have  been  a  mere  boy  when  he  was 
elevated  to  the  papal  dignity,  though  authorities 
differ  as  to  his  age.  There  was,  therefore,  little 
likeHhood  of  any  conflict  so  long  as  the  Peter's 
pence  were  regularly  transported  to  Rome.  A 
new  papacy  was  to  come ;  but  Hildebrand  had  not 
quite  reached  manhood  when  Canute  went  to  his 
rest. 

Canute's  ecclesiastical  policy  in  England,  at 
least  during  the  closing  years  of  his  reign,  seems  to 
have  aimed  at  greater  control  than  had  been  the 
case  earlier.  The  friendship  and  active  good-will 
of  the  Church  could  best  be  secured  by  carefully 
choosing  the  rulers  of  the  Church.  As  a  Christian 
court,  the  royal  household  at  Winchester  had  in  its 


The  Empire  of  the  North  271 

employment  a  regular  staff  of  priests,  nine  of 
whom  are  mentioned  in  the  documents.  Canute 
honoured  his  priests;  he  seems  to  have  invited 
them  to  seats  in  the  national  assembly;  he  called 
them  in  to  witness  grants  of  land.  Finally,  he 
honoured  several  of  them  still  further  by  appoint- 
ing them  to  episcopal  office:  at  least  three  of 
Canute's  clerks  received  such  appointments  before 
the  reign  closed.^  His  successor  inherited  his 
policy  and  several  more  of  Canute's  chapel  clerks 
were  honoured  in  Edward's  time.  The  policy 
was  not  new:  even  in  Carolingian  times  the  royal 
chapel  had  been  used  as  a  training  school  for  future 
prelates,  and  there  are  traces  of  a  similar  practice 
in  England  long  before  Canute's  time.  But  so  far 
as  the  Dane  was  concerned,  the  plan  was  prob- 
ably original :  we  cannot  suppose  him  to  have  been 
very  well  informed  as  to  precedents  more  than  two 
centuries  old. 

In  Norway  the  problem  was  how  to  christianise 
and  organise  the  land,  and  Canute  had  no  great 
part  in  either.  The  Danish  Church,  however,  was 
growing  in  strength  and  developing  under  con- 
ditions that  might  produce  great  difficulties:  it 
was  the  daughter  of  the  German  Church;  it  was 
governed  by  an  alien  prelate. 

The  primacy  of  the  Northern  churches  belonged 
to  the  see  of  Bremen,  the  church  from  which  the 
earliest  missionaries  had  gone  forth  into  Denmark 
and  Sweden.     While  this  primacy  was  in  a  way 

*  Larson,  The  King's  Household  in  England,  140-142. 


272  Canute  the  Great 

recognised,  in  practice,  the  Northern  kings  in  the 
early  years  of  the  eleventh  century  paid  small 
regard  to  the  claims  of  the  archbishop.  The  two 
Olafs  depended  mainly  on  England  and  the 
neighbouring  parts  of  the  Continent  for  priests  and 
prelates;  and  Canute,  as  King  of  England,  seems 
to  have  planned  to  make  the  Danish  Church,  too, 
dependent  on  the  see  of  Canterbury.  At  this 
time  Unwan  was  Archbishop  of  Bremen ;  for  sixteen 
years  he  ruled  his  province  with  a  resolute  hand 
and  for  the  most  part  with  strength  and  wisdom. 
Unwan  was  displeased  when  he  learned  that 
Canute  was  sending  bishops  from  England  to 
Denmark;  we  have  already  seen  how  he  managed 
to  make  a  prisoner  and  even  a  partisan  of  Ger- 
brand,  who,  like  Unwan  himself,  was  doubtless  a 
German.  This  must  have  been  in  1022  or  1023, 
more  likely  in  the  former  year.  Aided  by  Ger- 
brand,  who  acted  as  mediator,  Unwan  was  able 
to  make  Canute  recognise  his  primacy.  Adam  of 
Bremen  mentions  great  gifts  that  Unwan  sent  to 
Canute,^  but  these  were  probably  not  the  de- 
termining consideration.  In  1022,  Canute  was 
fighting  the  Slavs  and  adding  territory  that  would 
naturally  belong  to  the  mission  fields  of  Bremen, 
and  it  would  hardly  be  wise  to  make  an  enemy 
of  one  whose  historic  rights  had  been  admitted  by 
earlier  Danish  kings.  Till  Unwan's  death  in  1029, 
the  King  and  the  Archbishop  were  fast  friends. 
Unwan  served  as  mediator  between  Canute  and 

'  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  53. 


THE  HYBY  STONE 

(Monument  from  the  first  half  of  the  eleventh  century;  raised  to  a  Christian 

as  appears  from  the  cross.) 


The  Empire  of  the  North  273 

the  Emperor  when  the  alliance  was  formed  in 
1025  (?)'  and  otherwise  served  the  Danish  King. 
It  seems  probable  that  a  personal  acquaintance 
was  formed,  for  Adam  tells  us  that  Unwan  rebuilt 
Hamburg  and  spent  considerable  time  there, 
"whither  he  also  invited  the  very  glorious  King 
Canute  ...  to  confer  with  him."" 

The  entente  that  was  thus  formed  seems  also  to 
have  affected  mission  operations  in  Norway.  It 
is  likely  that  Unwan  demanded  that  King  Olaf 
should  no  longer  be  allowed  to  recruit  his  ecclesi- 
astical forces  in  England;  for  soon  after  the  date 
that  we  have  assumed  as  that  of  the  new  treaty, 
Bishop  Grimkell  appeared  as  King  Olaf's  am- 
bassador at  Unwan's  court.  The  Bishop,  who  was 
evidently  a  Northman  from  the  Danelaw,  brought 
the  customary  gifts  and  the  prayer  that  Unwan 
would  accept  the  Anglian  clerks  and  prelates  then 
in  Norway  as  of  his  province  and  that  he  would 
further  increase  the  clerical  forces  of  the  kingdom.  ^ 
Thus  in  the  years  1022-1023,  the  rights  of  Ham- 
burg-Bremen were  recognised  everywhere. 

Unwan  was  succeeded  in  the  province  by  Li- 
bentius,  the  nephew  of  an  earlier  Libentius  who 
had  held  the  metropolitan  office  in  Bremen  before 
Unwan's  day.  He  was  of  Italian  blood  and 
therefore  not  likely  to  be  burdened  with  German 
sympathies.  Before  everything  else,  says  the 
good   Master   Adam,    he   entered   into   friendly 

'  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  54.  « Ibid.,  c.  58. 

J/Wd.,  c.  55;iv.,  c.  33.  ' 

18 


274  Canute  the  Great 

relations  with  the  King  of  the  Danes.  ^  But 
during  Libentius'  as  well  as  Unwan's  primacy- 
Canute  seems  to  have  selected  the  bishops  for  his 
Danish  as  well  as  for  his  English  sees. 

During  the  closing  years  of  his  life,  Canute's 
policy  was  completely  identified  with  that  of  the 
mediaeval  Church  as  regards  his  attitude  toward 
heathen  and  im-Christian  practices.  So  long  as 
the  Norwegian  problem  was  inisettled,  the  King 
dared  not  take  a  decided  stand  against  the  old 
faith,  as  he  was  too  much  dependent  on  heathen 
or  semi-heathen  assistance  against  King  Olaf. 
But  after  the  conquest  there  was  no  reason  for 
further  delay,  and  the  English  Church  got  its 
desired  legislation.  In  two  comparatively  long 
enactments,  one  ecclesiastical  and  one  secular,  all 
the  old  and  important  church  laws  were  re-enacted 
and  various  new  provisions  added.*  Archbishop 
Dunstan  was  canonised  and  given  May  13th  as 
his  mass  day.^  Added  protection  was  given  to 
churches  and  to  the  ministers  of  the  altar:  out- 
lawry was  to  be  the  punishment  for  slaying  a 
priest.  4  It  was  carefully  explained  that  the 
privileges  of  the  priesthood  were  due  to  the  exalted 
character  of  the  divine  office ;  for 

great  is  the  exorcism  and  glorious  the  consecration 
that  cast  out  devils  and  put  them  to  flight  whenever 
baptism  is  celebrated  or  the  host  is  consecrated ;  and 

'  Adamus,  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  62. 

'  Liebermann,  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  i.,  278  ff. 

3  /.  Canute,  c.  17,  i.  *  Ibid.,  cc.  3,  4;     //.  Canute,  c.  39. 


The  Empire  of  the  North  275 

holy  angels  are  present  to  watch  over  the  sacred  act 
and  through  the  power  of  God  to  assist  the  priests  so 
long  as  they  worthily  serve  Christ. ' 

Sundays  and  other  church  holidays  were  to  be 
properly  kept;  and  no  commercial  transactions 
were  to  be  tolerated  on  Sundays,  nor  were  the 
public  courts  to  hold  sessions  on  those  days  except 
in  cases  of  extreme  necessity.^  Due  attention 
was  to  be  given  to  the  seasons  when  the  Church 
prescribed  fasting;  but  it  was  explicitly  stated 
that  except  in  the  case  of  penitents,  no  fasting 
was  to  be  required  between  Easter  and  Pentecost, 
or  from  Christmas  to  the  close  of  the  week  follow- 
ing Epiphany,  ^  the  joyous  period  of  the  Northern 
Yule-tide. 

It  seems  clear  that  enactments  of  this  sort  would 
be  necessary  only  in  regions  where  there  might 
still  be  a  considerable  number  of  recent  converts 
with  whom  the  observance  of  Christian  rites  and 
customs  had  not  yet  become  a  habit.  It  may  be, 
therefore,  that  these  laws  were  particularly  in- 
tended for  certain  parts  of  the  Danelaw.  Per- 
haps it  was  the  need  of  improving  the  religious 
conditions  in  the  Danish  settlements  that  in- 
spired the  royal  demand  for  general  instruction 
in  the  fimdamentals  of  the  Christian  faith. 

And  we  order  every  Christian  to  learn  at  least  so 
much  that  he  can  understand  clearly  the  teachings  of 

'  /.  Canute,  c.  4,  2.  » Ihid.,  c.  15.  *  Ibid.,  c.  17. 


276  Canute  the  Great 

the  true  faith,  and  to  learn  thoroughly  the  Pater 
Noster  and  the  Credo.  ^ 

Some  attention  is  also  paid  to  ecclesiastical 
finance.  Fines  were  provided  for  neglect  in  the 
payment  of  church  dues;  part  of  these  were  to  be 
paid  to  the  bishop.  The  Anglo-Saxons  were  in  the 
habit  of  making  contributions  for  church  lights  at 
the  feast  of  the  Purification  (Candlemas,  February 
2d),  at  Easter  Eve,  and  on  All  Saints'  day  (Nov- 
ember 1st).  A  fortnight  after  Easter  plough  alms 
were  to  be  paid.  A  tithe  of  yoimg  beasts  was  due 
at  Pentecost.  Peter's  pence  were  contributed  on 
Saint  Peter's  day  (August  ist).  A  tithe  of  the  har- 
vested crops  was  due  at  All  Saints'  day.  The  last 
tax  of  the  year  was  the  church  scot  which  was  paid 
at  Martinsmas  (November  nth).  All  these  con- 
tributions are  specifically  mentioned  and  urged  in 
Canute's  laws  for  the  English  Church.* 

The  second  part  of  Canute's  legislation,  the 
secular  laws,  is  a  document  of  considerable  length, 
of  which  only  a  comparatively  small  part  is  copied 
from  the  earlier  "dooms. "  It  deals  with  a  variety 
of  subjects,  several  of  which  may  be  classed  as 
rehgious  rather  than  secular.  A  very  important 
act  was  the  definition  and  prohibition  of  heathen- 
dom and  heathen  practices. 

Heathendon  is  the  worship  of  idols,  namely  the 
worship  of  heathen  gods,  and  the  sun  or  moon,  fire 
or  flood,  fountains  or  rocks  or  forest  trees  of  any  sort ; 

^  I.  Canute,  c.  22.  '  Ibid.,  cc.  8-10. 


The  Empire  of  the  North  277 

also  to  practise  witchcraft  or  to  commit  murders  in 
any  manner,  whether  in  sacrifices  or  in  auguries,  or 
to  busy  oneself  with  any  such  delusion. » 

As  it  is  not  customary  to  forbid  what  is  never 
performed,  we  have  in  this  enactment  evidence 
for  a  persisting  heathendom  on  EngUsh  soil.  In 
the  Scandinavian  colonies  pagan  practices  were 
probably  hard  to  uproot;  at  the  same  time,  it  is 
not  likely  that  the  old  faith  was  a  force  that  needed 
to  be  considered  any  longer. 

The  matter  of  Christian  marriage  is  dealt  with 
in  both  the  secular  and  the  ecclesiastical  laws.  It 
was  difficult  to  enforce  the  regulations  of  the 
Church  on  this  subject  and  particularly  among  the 
vikings,  whose  ideas  as  to  the  binding  force  of 
marriage  were  exceedingly  vague.*  Canute  for- 
bade clandestine  marriages;  to  the  old  law  that  a 
man  should  have  but  one  wife  he  added  the  impor- 
tant provision  that  "she  should  be  his  legally 
espoused  wife.  "^  He  also  gave  the  protection  of 
the  state  to  widows  and  virgins  who  preferred  to 
remain  unmarried. '» 

Other  important  enactments  deal  with  matters 
of  finance,  especially  with  the  King's  share  in  the 
fines  assessed  in  the  courts,  his  income  from  his 

*  //.  Canute,  c.  5,  i. 

'  On  this  point  the  Norse  sources  furnish  evidence  everywhere. 
For  the  condition  among  the  Scandinavians  in  Britain,  see  the 
account  of  the  "Siege  of  Durham"  published  among  the  writings 
of  Simeon  of  Durham  {Opera  Omnia,  215-220). 

3 1.  Canute,  c.  7,  3.  *  II.  Canute,  cc.  52, 52,  i,  74. 


278  Canute  the  Great 

estates,  and  coinage  and  counterfeiting;  there  are 
also  important  laws  that  look  toward  the  security 
of  persons  and  of  property.  The  principle  of 
equality  before  the  law  is  distinctly  stated:  the 
magnates  were  to  have  no  unusual  privileges  in  the 
coiu-ts  of  justice. 

Many  a  powerful  man  will,  if  he  can  and  may, 
defend  his  man  in  whatever  way  it  seems  to  him  the 
more  easy  to  defend  him,  whether  as  freeman  or  as 
theow  (serf).     But  we  will  not  suffer  that  injustice.^ 

With  the  legislation  of  Canute,  the  development 
of  Old  EngHsh  law  comes  to  a  close.  Various  tracts 
or  customals  of  considerable  importance  were 
composed  in  the  eleventh  century,  some  of  which 
may  have  been  put  into  form  after  the  close  of 
Canute's  reign;  but  of  these  we  know  neither  the 
authors  nor  the  date.  The  "Laws  of  Edward" 
that  the  Norman  kings  swore  to  maintain  were  in 
reaHty  the  laws  of  Canute;  for  when  the  Anglo- 
Norman  lawyers  of  the  early  twelfth  century 
began  to  investigate  the  subject  of  Old  English 
law,  they  foimd  its  most  satisfactory  statement 
in  the  legislation  of  the  mighty  Dane.  In  the 
Quadripartitus  these  laws  occupy  the  most  promi- 
nent place;  while  the  compilations  that  Liebermann 
has  called  the  Instituta  Cnuti  and  the  Consiliatio 
Cnuti  are  scarcely  more  than  translations  of  Ca- 
nute's legislation  for  church  and  state.  ^ 

'77.  Canute,  c.  20,  i. 

'  For  the  text  of  these  compilations  (including  the  forged  forest 
law)  see  Liebermann,  Gesetze  der  Atigelsachsen,  i.,  529-546,  612- 


The  Empire  of  the  North  279 

So  great  was  the  Danish  King's  reputation  as  a 
lawmaker  in  the  twelfth  century  that  he  was  even 
credited  with  enactments  and  institutional  experi- 
ments with  which  he  never  had  any  connection. 
Toward  the  close  of  that  century  an  official  of  the 
royal  forest,  as  it  seems,  drew  up  an  elaborate  law 
for  the  King's  hunting  preserves  which  he  tried 
to  give  currency  and  authority  by  ascribing  it  to 
Canute.^  The  Dane  was  not  indifferent  to  the 
chase,  but  he  did  not  find  it  necessary  to  make  it 
the  subject  of  extensive  legislation.  In  his  secular 
laws  the  subject  is  disposed  of  in  a  single  sentence : 
"And  let  every  man  forego  my  hunting,  wher- 
ever I  wish  to  have  it  free  from  trespass,  under 
penalty  of  the  full  fine. "' 

In  the  so-called  "Laws  of  Edward  the  Con- 
fessor" it  is  stated  that  the  murdrum  fine  originated 
in  the  reign  of  Canute.  It  is  well-known  that 
William  the  Conqueror  found  it  necessary  to  take 
special  measures  for  the  protection  of  his  Normans 
from  assassination  at  the  hands  of  Englishmen  who 
were  seeking  vengeance;  he  decreed,  therefore, 
that  the  hundred  where  the  murder  of  a  Norman 
was  committed  should  see  that  the  criminal  was 
given  proper  punishment  or  pay  a  heavy  fine  in 
case  of  default.     The  twelfth-century  lawyer  who 

626.  The  documents  have  been  made  the  subject  of  a  series  of 
studies  by  F.  Liebermann,  the  results  of  which  are  summed  up  in 
Pollock  and  Maitland,  History  of  English  Law,  i.,  loo-ioi. 

'  Liebermann,  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  u,  620. 

*//.  Canute,  c.  80,  i. 


28o  Canute  the  Great 

drew  up  the  "Laws  of  Edward"  evidently  be- 
lieved that  in  this  matter  William  was  following 
a  precedent  from  Danish  times.'  But  though  it 
seems  that  Canute  was  obliged  to  legislate  for  the 
protection  of  his  Danish  officials  and  subjects  in 
Norway,  there  is  no  good  evidence  for  any  cor- 
responding decree  in  England. 

A  similar  conclusion  has  been  reached  as  to 
Canute's  responsibility  for  the  institution  known 
as  frankpledge.  Tithing  and  surety,  two  Old  Eng- 
lish institutions  which  were  the  roots  of  the  later 
frankpledge,  are  mentioned  in  the  laws  of  Canute ; 
but  they  were  still  distinct.  The  tithing,  normally 
a  group  of  ten,  was  charged  chiefly  with  the  duty 
of  assisting  in  the  pursuit  of  criminals;  not  until 
its  members  had  been  pledged  to  a  duty  of  mutual 
suretyship,  each  being  held  responsible  in  certain 
respects  for  the  behaviour  of  all  his  associates  in 
the  group,  did  the  tithing  develop  into  the  pledge.  ^ 

In  Canute's  empire  there  were  at  least  two 
institutional  systems,  those  of  England  and  of  the 
North.  In  some  respects  both  had  attained  a 
high  development.  The  question  how  far  these 
systems  influenced  each  other  as  the  result  of  the 
union  is  a  difficult  one :  the  union  of  the  crowns  was 
of  short  duration  and  the  institutional  changes 
that  seem  to  indicate  borrowing  may  be  due  in 
large  part  to  earlier  contact  through  the  Danelaw. 

'  Liebermann,  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  i.,  642;  Leges Edwardi 
Confessoris,  c.  16. 

'  On  this  subject  see  Morris,  The  Frankpledge  System,  c.  i. 


The  Empire  of  the  North  281 

With  the  Northmen  came  a  new  conception  of 
personal  honour  and  a  new  term  for  criminaUty  of 
the  most  dishonourable  type,  the  nithing  name. 
Norse  rules  were  introduced  into  court  procedure. 
Administrative  areas  came  to  bear  Norse  appella- 
tions, as  the  wapentake  in  the  Danelaw  generally 
and  the  riding  in  Yorkshire.^  These  facts,  how- 
ever, belong  in  large  measure  to  the  earlier  develop- 
ment, though  it  doubtless  continued  through  the 
reign  of  Canute  and  longer. 

But  though  Scandinavian  ideas  of  law  had  long 
flourished  on  English  soil,  it  was  not  till  Canute's 
day  that  they  were  formally  accepted  as  a  part 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  legal  system.  In  penal  legis- 
lation a  new  spirit  appeared :  there  was  less  mercy 
and  pimishments  became  more  severe — exile, 
mutilation,  and  forfeiture  of  life  more  common. 
If  the  ordeal  should  convict  a  man  of  a  second 
offence,  the  penalty  might  be  the  loss  of  the  hands 
or  the  feet,  or  of  both.  Still  further  mutilation 
was  decreed  if  the  criminal  should  continue  to 
commit  grave  offences;  "but  let  the  soul  be 
spared."^  The  same  penalties  were  not  always 
provided  for  both  sexes :  a  faithless  husband  might 
have  to  pay  the  ancient  money  fine  for  man- 
slaughter ;  a  sinning  wife  was  to  suffer  the  loss  of 
all  her  property  and  her  ears  and  nose.  ^     Certain 

^  On  this  subject  the  most  important  work  is  Steenstrup's 
Danelag  {Norntannerne,  iv.);  see  especially  pp.  75-76,  85-92, 
175  flf.;  also  Normannerne,  iii.,  366-368. 

»  //.  Canute,  c.  30,  5.  » Ibid.,  c.  50  B.. 


282  Canute  the  Great 

institutions  of  Scandinavian  origin  took  on  a  pe- 
culiar form  during  Canute's  reign :  for  instance, 
the  guard  of  housecarles  in  its  English  and  later 
Danish  form,  and  the  office  of  staller  or  the  King's 
spokesman  at  the  popular  assemblies,  which  office 
seems  to  have  been  introduced  into  England  in 
Canute's  day.^ 

It  is  still  more  difficult  to  determine  what  re- 
sults the  imion  had  for  the  institutional  develop- 
ment of  Denmark.  On  only  one  point  have  we 
clear  evidence:  Canute  was  the  first  Danish  King 
to  begin  a  systematic  coinage  of  money.  Coins 
were  stricken  in  Denmark  before  his  day,  but 
there  was  no  organised  system  of  mints.  Canute 
supplied  this  need,  using  the  English  pattern.  He 
brought  moneyers  from  his  western  kingdom  and 
located  them  in  the  chief  cities  of  Denmark;  coins 
have  come  down  to  us  that  were  stricken  by  these 
moneyers  in  the  cities  of  Roeskild,  Ringsted, 
Odense,  Heathby  (Sleswick),  and  Lund." 

On  the  other  hand,  Canute's  Norwegian  legis- 
lation shows  clear  traces  of  Anglo-Saxon  influence. 
Of  his  three  kingdoms,  Norway,  doubtless,  had  the 
least  efficient  constitution.  In  Norway  there  was 
much  liberty,  but  also  much  disorder;  emphasis 
was  placed  on  personal  rights,  especially  on  those 
of  the  aristocracy;  but  such  emphasis  is  too 
frequently  subversive  of  good  government.  The 
Dane  was  a  believer  in  strong,  orderly  administra- 

'  Larson,  The  King's  Household  in  England,  c.  7. 
'  Danmarks  Riges  Historie,  i.,  404-405. 


The  Empire  of  the  North  283 

tion:  it  was  his  purpose  to  introduce  European 
principles  into  the  Norse  constitution.  Had  he 
been  personally  in  control  he  might  have  succeeded 
but  his  deputies  at  Nidaros  were  imequal  to  the 
task;  discontent  and  rebeUion  were  the  result. 

For  the  laws  that  the  new  regents  proclaimed 
in  Norway,  the  Norsemen  were  inclined  to  lay  all 
blame  on  Sweyn's  mother,  Elgiva  (Alfiva,  the 
Northmen  called  her),  Canute's  mistress  of  olden 
time.  But  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  in  this 
matter  she  and  her  son  merely  carried  out  the 
King's  instructions.  The  laws  fall  into  three 
classes:  revenue  legislation,  police  and  military 
ordinances,  and  a  new  definition  of  penalties. ' 

A  new  tax  that  apparently  affected  the  entire 
population  was  the  demand  that  at  Christmas 
time  every  hearth  shoiild  contribute  certain 
"gifts" ;  a  measure  of  malt,  the  leg  of  a  full-grown 
ox,  and  as  much  unspun  flax  as  could  be  held 
between  the  thumb  and  the  middle  finger.  This 
reminds  one  somewhat  of  the  English  ferm,  a 
contribution  that  was  due  from  the  various 
counties.  It  was  also  enacted  that  the  franklins 
should  assist  in  erecting  buildings  on  the  royal 
estates,  and  that  merchants  and  fishermen  and  all 
who  sailed  to  Iceland  should  pay  certain  dues  to 
the  King. 

A  law  that  was  clearly  aimed  at  the  ancient 
practice  of  blood  feud  provided  that  murder  should 
entail  the  loss  of  lands  as  well  as  of  personal  pro- 

'  Snorre,  Saga  oj  Saint  Olaf,  c.  239. 


284  Canute  the  Great 

perty ;  also  that  the  King  alone  should  take  inherit- 
ance after  an  outlaw.  In  those  same  years  Ca- 
nute decreed  in  England  that  whoever  committed 
a  deed  of  outlawry  should  forfeit  his  lands  to 
the  King.  The  new  Norse  laws  also  forbade  any 
subject  to  leave  the  land  without  permission,  on 
pain  of  outlawry.  Parallel  to  this  is  the  English 
law  that  ordered  forfeiture  for  leaving  one's  lord, 
with  the  difference  that  in  Norway  the  King  him- 
self was  the  lord.  It  was  also  decreed  that  the 
testimony  of  a  Dane  should  outweigh  that  of  ten 
Norsemen,  the  purpose  of  which  was  clearly  to 
secure  the  Hves  of  Danish  officials  and  soldiers.- 

It  was  further  provided  that  every  male  above 
the  age  of  five  years  should  be  counted  one  of 
seven  to  equip  a  soldier.  It  may  be  that  this 
provision  was  suggested  by  the  Old  English  custom 
of  grouping  five  hides  of  land  (originally  the  lands 
of  five  households)  for  similar  purposes.  Snorre 
believes  that  these  laws  were  Danish  in  origin; 
but  it  is  more  likely  that  they  grew  out  of  Canute's 
experience  with  Anglo-Saxon  custom  and  the 
principles  of  Continental  feudalism,  though  it  is 
possible  that  some  of  them  had  been  introduced 
into  Denmark  earlier  in  the  reign  and  came  to 
Norway  from  the  southern  kingdom. 


.1  .        Yi-      I'  \    \  /  jil 


RUNIC  MONUMENT  FROM   UPLAND,    SWEDEN 
^Shows  blending  of  Celtic  and  Northern  art.) 


CHAPTER  XIII 

NORTHERN  CULTURE  IN  THE  DAYS  OF  CANUTE 

TO  present  an  adequate  discussion  of  the  state 
of  culture  among  Canute's  subjects  in  the 
space  of  a  single  chapter  would  be  impossible.  So 
far  as  the  western  realm  is  concerned  it  would 
also  be  unnecessary,  as  the  subject  of  Anglo-Saxon 
culture  is  an  old  study  and  discussions  in  Enghsh 
are  readily  accessible.  This  chapter  will  therefore 
be  chiefly  concerned  with  the  civilisation  of  the 
Northern  lands,  and  especially  with  the  great 
transformations  that  came  with  the  viking  age 
and  were  becoming  most  evident  toward  its  close. 
The  two  controlling  types  of  civilisation  in  the 
Anglo-Scandinavian  Empire,  the  English  and  the 
Norse,  were  both  fundamentally  Germanic;  but 
EngUsh  cidture  had  for  centuries  been  permeated 
with  Christian  thought,  while  in  the  North  the 
ideals  of  heathendom  were  still  a  force  to  be  taken 
into  account.  It  is  difficult  to  characterise 
Northern  society  in  the  earlier  decades  of  the 
eleventh  centiiry:  all  the  various  regions  were  not 
in  the  same  stage  of  development;  all  were  not 
subject  to  the  same  modifying  influences.     But  it 

285 


286  Canute  the  Great 

was  a  growing  organism,  showing  change  in  almost 
every  fibre.  Scandinavian  civilisation  was  gradu- 
ally approaching  the  European  type.  There  is 
danger  that  we  may  place  the  Northman  on  a  too 
high  plane  of  culture;  but  the  error  is  more  fre- 
quently on  the  other  side.^  Measured  by  the 
standards  of  his  own  age,  the  Northman  was  not 
a  barbarian.  He  had  great  energy  of  mind  and 
much  intellectual  curiosity.  He  sailed  every- 
where and  frequently  included  European  ideas  in 
his  plunder  or  merchandise. 

The  population  throughout  Scandinavia  was 
overwhelmingly  rural ;  cities  were  few  and  insigni- 
ficant, when  we  consider  the  number  of  houses  and 
inhabitants,  though  it  appears  that  the  urban 
element  was  rapidly  developing  in  the  eleventh 
century.  As  early  as  the  ninth  century  we  find 
mention  of  Birca,  an  island  city  in  Lake  Maelar  in 
eastern  Sweden ;  of  Heathby  near  the  modem  city 
of  Sleswick  on  the  southern  border  of  Denmark; 
and  of  Skiringshall  in  southern  Norway.  *  These 
and  other  cities  evidently  originated  in  the  need 
of  definite  market  places.  Roads  were  poor  in  the 
middle  ages  and  the  sea  was  often  a  dangerous 
highway;  commerce  was  therefore  largely  limited 
to  the  more  favourable  seasons  of  the  year,  and 

'  See  Montelius,  Kulturgeschichte  Schwedens,  251-252. 

'  Birca  is  mentioned  in  an  early  life  of  Saint  Ansgar  {ca.  850); 
Langebek,  Script.  Rer.  Danic,  i.,  444.  Heathby  and  Skirings- 
hall are  alluded  to  in  King  Alfred's  Orosius  (Journeys  of  Ottar 
and  Wulfstan). 


Northern  Culture  in  Days  of  Canute     287 

hence  the  importance  of  periodic  markets.  These 
were  often  held  in  connection  with  the  great  sacri- 
ficial festivals  and  it  is  therefore  not  strange  that 
the  earlier  cities  grew  up  on  or  near  the  sites  of  the 
ancient  sanctuaries.^ 

In  such  localities  grew  up  Odense  on  the  island 
of  Funen,  Wisby  on  the  island  of  Gotland,  and 
Skiringshall  on  the  great  Bay.  *  Nidaros  (Thrond- 
hjem)  is  said  to  have  been  foimded  by  the  first 
King  Olaf,  but  its  great  importance  dates  from 
the  canonisation  of  Saint  Olaf  whose  bones  were 
buried  there.  Kingscrag  (Kontmgahelle)  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Gaut  River,  and  Timsberg  on  the 
western  shore  of  Folden  Bay  seem  to  have  had 
their  origin  as  landing  places  for  merchants  and 
vikings.  On  the  other  hand,  Sarpsborg  across  the 
inlet  from  Timsberg  evidently  grew  up  around  a 
stronghold  estabHshed  in  the  days  of  Saint  Olaf. 
Urban  developments  can  also  be  traced  in  the 
western  colonies:  old  cities  in  England,  especially 
in  the  Danelaw,  passed  into  the  control  of  the 
Northmen;  new  cities  rose  on  the  shores  of  the 
Irish  Sea. 

This  commercial  movement  began  to  gather 
strength  during  the  quiet  decades  of  the  tenth 
century  but  it  must  have  progressed  rapidly  during 
the  peaceful  reign  of  Canute.  From  Novgorod  in 
Russia  to  Bristol  and  Limerick  in  the  British  Isles 

'  Bugge,  Studier  over  de  norske  Byers  Selvsiyre  og  Handel,  4-5. 
» Ibid.    The  great  Bay  (Folden  Bay)  is  the  modem  Chris- 
tiania  Firth. 


288  Canute  the  Great 

the  ships  of  the  North  sailed  every  summer  laden 
with  the  products  of  all  Northern  Europe:  furs 
from  Norway  and  Russia;  the  teeth  of  the  walrus 
from  the  Arctic  waters;  cured  fish  from  the  Scan- 
dinavian seas;  honey  from  the  Baltic  shores; 
Norwegian  hawks  for  the  English  sportsmen; 
and  numerous  other  products.  In  return  for  these 
the  Northmen  received  the  luxuries  of  the  South, 
especially  wine,  wheat,  and  silk;  but  numerous 
thralls  were  also  imported,  particularly  from  the 
Celtic  lands.  ^ 

These  foreign  products  were  chiefly  consumed 
in  the  homes  of  the  Scandinavian  aristocracy. 
In  material  comforts  the  Northmen  were  probably 
not  far  behind  the  corresponding  classes  elsewhere 
in  Europe.  When  the  god  Righ  came  to  the 
chieftain's  house, 

Then  the  housewife  thought  of  her  arms, 
Smoothened  her  linen,  pleated  her  sleeves. 
Broad  was  her  headgear,  a  brooch  on  her  breast; 
She  wore  trailing  sashes  and  a  blue-dyed  sark. 

When  her  son  was  bom,  "she  swaddled  him  in 
silk";  and  when  her  daughter-in-law  came  to  the 
hall  as  a  bride,  "she  walked  under  the  veil  of  fine 
linen.  "^  The  sudden  consciousness  of  rare  finery 
was  not  limited  to  the  women;  rich  and  highly 
coloured  clothing  also  delighted  the  men. 

'  On  the  commerce  of  the  viking  age  see  Montelius.  Kultur- 
geschichte  Schwedens,  266  ff.;  Olrik,  Nordisk  Aandsliv,  52-53; 
Norges  Historic,  I.,  ii.,  223  ff.  (Bugge). 

'  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  i.,  239-241:  "The  Lay  of  Righ." 


Northern  Culture  in  Days  of  Canute      289 

The  influence  of  alien  culture  was  also  shown  in 
the  entertainment  provided  for  the  visiting  god: 

Then  took  Mother  a  marked  ^  cover 

Of  bleached  linen  and  laid  upon  the  board. 

Next  she  laid  out  the  thinnest  loaves 

Of  wheaten  flour  on  the  white  cover. 

She  set  the  table  with  silver-mounted  dishes 

Heaped  with  roasted  birds  and  ham. 

The  wine  brightened  the  mounted  beakers. 

They  drank  and  talked  till  the  day  was  done.* 

"The  Lay  of  Righ"  was  composed,  it  is  believed, 
in  the  days  of  Canute's  grandfather;  but  the  civili- 
sation that  it  describes  was  not  new;  even  a  century 
earlier  the  ruling  classes  in  the  North  had  reached 
a  high  stage  of  culture,  as  we  know  from  the  large 
number  of  articles  indicating  a  refined  and  cul- 
tivated taste  that  were  found  when  the  Oseberg 
ship  was  discovered  and  excavated  a  few  years 
ago.^ 

As  in  early  Saxon  times  before  the  clergy  had 
monopolised  learning,  the  higher  forms  of  cultured 
life  saw  their  finest  fruitage  in  the  halls  of  kings 
and  chiefs.  The  old  Scandinavian  house  was  a 
wooden  structure  of  rectangular  shape,  its  length 
being  considerably  greater  than  the  width.  In 
its  general  lines  it  doubtless  bore  close  resemblance 
to  the  Anglo-Saxon  dwelling  of  the  same  period. 

'  Embroidered  with  colours. 
»  "The  Lay  of  Righ,"  11.,  1 14-122. 
^Norges  Historie,  I.,  ii.,  56-60. 
X9 


290  Canute  the  Great 

In  the  number  and  arrangement  of  the  rooms 
the  individual  houses  showed  some,  though  not 
great,  variety ;  but  a  large  living-room  seems  to  have 
been  characteristic  of  all.  In  the  middle  of  this 
room  a  long  trough  lined  with  stones  was  sunk 
into  the  floor;  this  served  as  fireplace,  the  smoke 
finding  its  way  out  through  an  opening  in  the 
roof.  On  either  side  of  this  long  fireplace  ran  a 
row  of  pillars  that  served  to  support  the  roof; 
these  also  gave  opportiuiities  for  the  carver's  art. 
Between  the  pillars  and  the  wall  stood  the  benches 
where  the  feasters  sat  with  portable  tables  before 
them.  The  walls  were  ornamented  with  shields 
and  weapons  and  with  the  trophies  of  the  chase. 
At  the  middle  of  the  long  north  wall,  facing  the 
entrance  door  on  the  opposite  side,  stood  the  high- 
seat  of  the  lord  of  the  hall.  The  size  and  splendour 
of  the  room  would  depend  on  the  wealth  and 
importance  of  the  owner:  some  of  the  larger  halls 
were  planned  for  the  entertainment  of  several 
hundred  guests  and  henchmen.  ^ 

There  were  many  other  buildings  besides  the 
hall,  the  number  depending  on  the  needs  of  the 
estate.  The  king's  garth  probably  differed  very 
little  from  those  of  the  wealthier  chiefs.  In 
England,  too,  even  as  late  as  the  year  1000,  the 
palace  architecture  must  have  been  of  the  same 
modest  type.     In  his  homily  on  Saint  Thomas, 

'  For  brief  descriptions  of  the  Northern  halls  in  the  viking 
age  see  Bugge,  Vikingerne,  ii.,  156-157;  Montelius,  Ktdtur- 
geschichte  Schwedens,  282-283;   Olrik,  Nor  disk  AandsUv,  15-16. 


Northern  Culture  in  Days  0}  Canute      291 

Alfric  (who  wrote  his  sermons  in  the  decade  of 
Canute's  birth)  tells  the  story  of  how  the  Apostle 
went  to  India  to  binld  a  palace  for  a  king,  and, 
by  the  way,  used  the  money  for  building  churches : 

Then  he  examined  the  grounds  where  it  was  to  be 

buUded. 
And  Thomas  went  about  measuring  the  place  with  a 

yardstick, 
And  said  that  he  woidd  build  the  hall  first  of  all 
At  the  east  end  of  the  grounds,  and  the  other  buildings 
Behind  the  hall:  bath  house  and  kitchen 
And   winterhouse  and   summerhouse  and   winsome 

bowers, — 
Twelve  houses  altogether  with  good  arches — 
But  such  it  is  not  customary  to  build  in  England 
And  therefore  we  do  not  mention  them  particularly. ' 

Dining  the  reign  of  Canute,  however,  there  must 
have  been  material  advancement  in  the  direction 
of  greater  magnificence  in  the  royal  garth.  The 
sagas  testify  to  a  splendour  at  Winchester  that 
was  greater  than  what  was  to  be  seen  anywhere 
else.' 

The  men  of  the  viking  age  usually  associated 
the  royal  hall  with  the  thought  of  elaborate  fes- 
tivities. The  greatest  moment  in  such  an  occasion 
was  when  the  scald  rose  to  sing  the  praises  and 
recite  the  exploits  of  his  host.  It  has  been  thought 
that  the  activities  of  the  court  poet  show  Celtic 

*  Alfric's  Lives,  ii.,  404. 

»  Snorre,  Saga  oj  Saint  Olaf,  c.  130. 


292  Canute  the  Great 

influence,  ^  and  it  may  be  that  the  scald  had  learned 
freely  from  the  bard;  but  the  institution  itself  is 
most  probably,  of  native  origin.  Like  the  Irish 
singer  his  chief  theme  was  praise;  but  we  need  not 
suppose  that  the  scald  confined  himself  wholly  to 
contemporary  themes:  the  gleeman  in  Beowulf 
sang  of  the  great  hero  that  sat  beside  the  King; 
but  he  also  told  the  tales  of  the  Volsimgs  and  the 
still  older  story  of  creation;  before  the  onslaught 
at  Stiklestead  one  of  Saint  Olaf's  scalds  recited 
the  ancient  Bjarkamal,  the  Old  Norse  version  of 
Beowulf's  last  fight.  The  holy  King  seems  to 
have  enjoyed  the  inspiriting  strains  of  heathen 
heroism;  he  thanked  the  poet,  as  did  all  the  host. 
Old  Norse  poetry  had  its  beginnings  in  the 
ninth  century;  but  its  greater  bulk  belongs  to  the 
tenth  and  eleventh.  It  begins  with  a  wonderful 
series  of  mythical  poems,  most  of  them  belonging 
to  the  period  of  lull  in  the  viking  activities  (900- 
980).  The  series  culminates  in  the  Sibyl's  Pro- 
phecy (Voluspa),  one  of  the  grandest  monuments 
of  mediaeval  literary  art  and  thought.  It  tells  the 
story  of  the  creation,  the  destruction,  the  regenera- 
tion of  the  world  in  heathen  terms  with  heathen 
gods,  giants,  and  demons  as  the  actors.  But  it  con- 
tains unmistakable  Christian  elements  and  the  poet 
must  have  had  some  acquaintance  with  the  faith 
that  niled  in  the  Western  Islands.  The  poem 
seems  to  have  been  composed  a  generation  or  two 
before  the  days  of  Canute;  but  it  was  doubtless 

'  Bugge,  Vesterlandenes  Indflydelse  paa  Nordboernes  Ktiltur,  65. 


^  S 
1  B- 


Z  a 


Northern  Culture  in  Days  of  Canute      293 

widely  current  during  the  years  of  his  kingship. 
That  the  later  scalds  knew  and  appreciated  the 
poem  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  it  was  quoted 
by  Christian  poets  in  the  following  centtuy.* 
No  doubt  it  was  an  important  number  in  their 
repertoire  of  song  and  story,  and  perhaps  we  may 
believe  that  it  was  gladly  heard  by  Canute  and  his 
henchmen  in  the  royal  hall  at  Winchester. 

The  fotu*  decades  that  the  Noms  allotted  to 
Canute  (995?-i035)  are  a  notable  period  in  the 
history  of  Northern  literature:  it  was  the  grand 
age  of  Old  Norse  poetry.  The  advance  of  Chris- 
tianity had  made  the  myths  impossible  as  poetic 
materials,  but  new  themes  were  found  in  the  deeds 
and  virtues  of  the  old  Teutonic  heroes  and  of  the 
mighty  war  lords  of  the  viking  age.  The  saga 
materials  of  the  heroic  age,  the  stories  of  Helgi 
and  Signm,  of  Sigiu-d  and  Brunhild,  of  Gudrun's 
grief  and  Attila's  fury,  had  long  been  treasured 
by  the  Northern  peoples.  Just  when  each  in- 
dividual tale  was  cast  into  the  form  that  has  come 
down  to  us  is  impossible  to  say;  the  probabilities 
are,  however,  that  a  considerable  number  of  the 
heroic  lays  were  composed  in  the  age  of  Canute. 

When  we  come  to  the  court  poetry  we  are  on 
firmer  groimd :  imlike  the  other  poems,  the  dirges 
and  praise-lays  are  not  anonymoiis  and  their  dates 
can  be  determined  with  some  definiteness.  The 
scald  found  the  age  great  with  possibilities.  Those 
were  the  days  of  Hakon  and  Erik,  of  Sweyn  and 

*  Corpus  Poeticum  Borealef  i.,  193. 


294  Canute  the  Great 

Canute,  of  Erling  and  Thurkil, — men  who  typified 
in  their  warlike  activities  the  deified  valoiir  of  the 
old  faith.  It  was  also  a  period  of  famous  battles : 
Swald,  Ringmere,  Clontarf ,  Ashington,  and  Stikle- 
stead,  to  mention  only  the  more  prominent. 
About  twenty  scalds  are  known  to  have  simg  at 
the  courts  of  the  viking  princes,  but  the  composi- 
tions of  some  of  them  have  been  wholly  lost  or 
exist  in  mere  fragments  only.  In  the  reign  of 
Canute  three  poets  stood  especially  high  in  the 
royal  favour:  Thorarin  Praisetongue,  Ottar  the 
Swart,  and  Sighvat  the  Scald. 

The  three  were  all  Icelanders  and  were  of  a 
roving  disposition  as  the  scalds  usually  were. 
They  all  visited  Canute's  court,  presumably  at 
Winchester.  Sighvat  came  to  England  on  the 
return  from  a  trading  joiuney  to  Rouen  in  1027, 
it  seems,  just  after  the  King's  return  from  his 
Roman  pilgrimage,  which  the  poet  alludes  to  in 
his  Stretch  Song.  Ottar  seems  to  have  visited 
Winchester  the  same  year :  his  poem,  the  Canute's 
Praise,  closes  with  a  reference  to  the  Holy  River 
campaign  in  1026.  Thorarin  Praisetongue  had 
his  opportunity  to  flatter  the  King  a  year  or  two 
later,  most  likely  in  1029:  his  Stretch  Song  deals 
with  the  conquest  of  Norway  in  1028. 

Canute  appears  to  have  attached  considerable 
importance  to  the  literary  activities  of  these 
Icelanders.  When  he  learned  that  Thorarin  had 
composed  a  short  poem  on  himself,  he  became  very 
angry  and  ordered  him  to  have  a  complete  lay 


Northern  Culture  in  Days  of  Canute      295 

ready  for  the  following  day;  otherwise  he  should 
hang  for  his  presumption  in  composing  a  short 
poem  on  King  Canute.  Thorarin  added  a  refrain 
and  eked  the  poem  out  with  a  few  additional 
stanzas.  The  refrain,  "Canute  guards  the  land 
as  the  lord  of  Greekland  [God]  the  kingdom  of 
heaven,"  evidently  pleased  the  King.  The  poet 
was  forgiven  and  the  poem  rewarded  with  fifty 
marks  of  silver.  Thorarin's  poem  came  to  be 
known  as  the  Head  Ransom.  ^ 

It  is  said  that  when  Ottar  came  to  the  King's 
hall  he  asked  permission  to  recite  a  poem,  which 
the  King  granted. 

And  the  poem  was  delivered  to  a  great  gathering  at 
the  next  day's  moot,  and  the  King  praised  it,  and  took 
a  Russian  cap  off  his  head,  broidered  with  gold  and 
with  gold  knobs  to  it,  and  bade  the  chamberlain  fill 
it  with  silver  and  give  it  to  the  poet.  He  did  so  and 
reached  it  over  men's  shoulders,  for  there  was  a  crowd, 
and  the  heaped-up  silver  tumbled  out  of  the  hood  on 
the  moot-stage.  He  was  going  to  pick  it  up,  but  the 
King  told  him  to  let  it  be.  "The  poor  shall  have  it, 
thou  shalt  not  lose  by  it."  * 

Of  the  court  poets  of  the  time  Sighvat  was 
easily  the  chief.  Canute  recognised  his  import- 
ance and  was  anxious  to  enroll  him  among  his 
henchmen.  But  Sighvat,  who  had  already  sworn 
fideUty  to  King  Olaf,  excused  himself  with  the 

*  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  172. 

*  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  151. 


296  Canute  the  Great 

remark  that  one  lord  at  a  time  was  sufficient. 
Canute  did  not  press  the  matter  but  permitted 
the  poet  to  depart  with  a  golden  arm-ring  as  the 
reward  for  his  poem,  the  Stretch  Song,  whose  ring- 
ing refrain,  "Canute  is  the  mightiest  King  under 
heaven, "  is  high  praise  from  one  who  had  travelled 
so  widely  and  had  probably  visited  all  the  more 
important  courts  in  northern  and  western  Europe. 
Did  Canute  also  patronise  Anglo-Saxon  litera- 
ture? We  do  not  know,  but  the  chances  are  that 
he  did  not,  as  during  his  reign  very  little  was 
produced  in  the  Old  EngHsh  idiom  that  could 
possibly  appeal  to  him.  The  Anglo-Saxon  spirit 
was  crushed;  and  out  of  the  consciousness  of 
failure  and  humiliation  can  come  no  inspiration 
for  literary  effort.  Even  that  fierce  patriot, 
Archbishop  Wulfstan,  accepted  the  conquest  and 
came  down  from  York  to  assist  at  the  dedication 
of  the  church  at  Ashington  where  Saxon  rule  had 
perished.  After  the  appearance  of  the  splendid 
poem  that  tells  the  story  of  Byrhtnoth's  death  at 
Mai  don  in  991,  the  voice  of  Anglo-Saxon  poetry 
is  almost  silent  for  nearly  two  centuries.  Early 
in  the  eleventh  century  Saxon  prose,  too,  entered 
upon  its  decUne.  Alfric's  best  work  was  done 
before  the  close  of  the  tenth  century;  he  seems  to 
have  written  his  last  important  work,  a  pastoral 
letter,  just  before  the  accession  of  Canute  to  the 
English  throne.^  In  the  English  cloisters  the 
monks   were   still  at  work   and  valuable   manu- 

'  Cambridge  History  of  English  Literature,  i.,  127. 


Northern  Culture  in  Days  of  Canute      297 

scripts  were  produced ;  but  Canute  can  hardly  have 
taken  much  interest  in  grammars,  glossaries, 
Biblical  paraphrases,  and  pastoral  letters.  It 
seems  evident  that  he  did  nothing  to  encourage 
the  monastic  annalist:  the  entries  for  Canute's 
reign  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  are  extremely 
meagre  and  disappointing;  it  seems  probable  that 
they  were  not  written  till  after  the  King's  death. 
The  disappearance  of  Old  English  Hterature,  both 
prose  and  poetic,  dates  from  a  time  more  than 
half  a  century  earlier  than  the  Norman  conquest, — 
from  the  time  when  the  Danish  hosts  filled  the 
homes  of  Wessex  with  gloom  and  horror.  The 
coming  of  the  Normans  did  not  put  an  end  to 
literary  production  in  the  speech  of  the  conquered 
EngHsh :  it  prevented  its  revival. 

It  is  not  to  be  inferred,  however,  from  this  lack 
of  Hterary  originality  and  productiveness,  that  the 
age  had  lost  all  appreciation  of  the  poet's  art. 
Two  of  the  greatest  monuments  of  Old  English  cul- 
ture, the  so-called  VerceUi  Book  and  the  Exeter 
Codex,  were  apparently  produced  during  the 
earher  decades  of  the  eleventh  century,  possibly  as 
late  as  the  accession  of  Canute.  In  these  manu- 
scripts the  Anglo-Saxon  scribes  have  preserved  to 
us  some  of  the  earHest  Hterary  productions  of  the 
EngUsh  race.  The  Vercelli  Book  takes  us  back 
in  the  writings  of  Cynewulf  to  the  eighth  century ; 
the  Exeter  manuscript  looks  back  even  farther 
and  introduces  us  to  the  singers  of  heathen  or 
semi-heathen  times.     Canute  may  not  have  shared 


298  Canute  the  Great 

the  enthusiasm  of  the  scribes  for  the  Old  EngHsh 
past;  but  he  seems  to  have  appreciated  the  work  of 
a  skilled  copyist.  In  those  dajrs  the  exchange 
of  presents  was  an  essential  part  of  diplomatic 
negotiations;  and  good  manuscripts  made  very 
acceptable  presents.  Mention  has  already  been 
made  of  the  beautifiil  codex,  written  with  golden 
letters,  that  made  a  part  of  the  gift  that  Canute 
is  said  to  have  sent  to  Duke  William  of  Aquitaine. 
As  the  Duke  was  renowned  as  a  patron  of  the 
literary  art,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  present 
was  properly  appreciated.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  Canute's  gift  to  the  church  at  Cologne  was 
also  in  the  form  of  manuscripts. 

One  of  the  most  important  contributions  of 
the  West  to  Northern  civilisation  was  the  written 
book.  Writing  was  not  a  new  art  in  the  Scan- 
dinavian lands;  but  neither  the  symbols  nor  the 
materials  in  use  were  such  as  did  service  in  the 
Christian  lands.  The  men  of  the  North  wrote  on 
wood  and  stone;  they  used  characters  that  had  to 
be  chiseled  into  the  tablet  to  be  inscribed.  These 
symbols  were  called  runes ;  and  graven  into  granite 
the  runic  inscriptions  have  defied  the  gnawing 
tooth  of  time.  The  large  number  of  runic  monu- 
ments that  have  come  down  to  us  would  indicate 
that  the  art  of  writing  was  widely  known,  though 
it  also  seems  likely  that  it  was  the  pecuHar  pos- 
session of  the  "rune-masters,"  men  of  some  educa- 
tion who  knew  the  runes  and  were  skilled  in  the 
art  of  inscribing. 


Northern  Culture  in  Days  of  Canute     299 

The  nines  were  of  divine  origin  and  were  taught 
mankind  by  Woden  himself.  The  term  "run," 
which  probably  means  "secret,"  reveals  the  atti- 
tude of  the  Germanic  mind  toward  this  ancient 
alphabet :  thoughts  were  hidden  in  the  graven  lines, 
but  that  was  not  all :  the  characters  were  invested 
with  magical  properties.  Graven  on  the  sword 
hilt  they  were  runes  of  victory;  on  the  back  of  the 
hand,  runes  of  love;  on  the  palm,  runes  of  help; 
the  sailor  cut  sea  runes  into  the  rudder  blade;  the 
leech  traced  nmes  on  "the  bark  and  on  the  stock 
of  a  tree  whose  branches  lean  eastward. "  ^  There 
were  also  ale  runes,  speech  runes,  and  mind  runes, 
which  "  thou  shalt  know  if  thou  wilt  be  wiser  than 
all  other  men. " " 

The  runic  alphabet  was  originally  a  common 
Germanic  possession;  but  among  the  Scandinavian' 
peoples  alone  did  its  use  become  extensive  and 
long-continued.  Some  of  the  Northern  inscrip- 
tions are  of  a  very  early  date,  the  earHest  going 
back,  perhaps,  to  the  fourth  century  or  possibly 
to  the  third.  ^  They  are  of  necessity  terse  and 
brief;  but  to  the  student  of  culture  and  civilisation 
they  give  some  valuable  information.  These 
nmes  reveal  a  time  when  all  the  Northern  tribes 
spoke  the  same  language  and  were  one  people, 
though  clearly  not  organised  into  a  single  state* 
The  inscriptions  also  show  the  rise  of  dialects  and 

*  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  i.,  40-41.  '  Ibid.,  41. 
J  von  Friesen,  Om  runskriftens  hdrkomst,  10-12. 

*  Bugge,  Vikingerne,  i.,  8. 


300  Canute  the  Great 

the  development  of  these  into  idioms,  though 
this  is  a  growth  of  the  later  centuries.  Doubt- 
less the  changes  in  language  bear  some  relation 
to  a  parallel  political  development,  a  grouping  of 
tribes  into  states,  until  in  the  tenth  century  three 
dynasties  claimed  kingship  in  the  North.  In  that 
centiiry  the  monuments  begin  to  have  great  value 
for  narrative  history.  Members  of  the  Knytling 
dynasty  are  mentioned  on  several  important  stones, 
as  earHer  pages  of  this  volume  have  shown. 

The  runes  that  were  in  use  in  the  tenth  and 
eleventh  centimes  are  the  yoimger  series,  an 
alphabet  of  sixteen  characters  selected  and  devel- 
oped from  the  older  series  of  twenty-four.  As  the 
number  of  elementary  sounds  in  the  language  was 
greater  than  the  number  of  letters,  several  of  the 
nmes  were  used  to  represent  more  than  one  sound, 
a  fact  that  has  made  reading  and  interpretation 
somewhat  difficult.  The  runes  were  used  especi- 
ally for  monumental  purposes:  a  large  number  of 
the  many  himdred  extant  mediaeval  inscriptions 
(Sweden  alone  has  more  than  fifteen  himdred)  *  are 
epitaphs  recording  the  death  of  some  friend  or  kins- 
man. But  the  runes  were  also  found  useful  for 
other  purposes.  They  were  used  in  making  calen- 
dars ;  articles  of  value  very  often  bore  the  owner's 
name  in  runic  characters ;  in  early  Christian  times 
we  find  runic  characters  traced  on  church  bells  and 
baptismal  fonts;  in  later  centuries  attempts  were 
even  made  to  write  books  in  the  nmic  alphabet. 

'  Montelius,  Kulturgeschichte  Schwedens,  355. 


PAINTED   GABLE   FROM    URNES  CHURCH 
(Norse-Irish  ornamentation.) 


CARVED   PILLAR   FROM 

URNES  CHURCH 

(Norse-Irish  ornamentation.) 


Northern  Culture  in  Days  of  Canute     301 

Wherever  Northmen  settled  in  the  middle  ages, 
inscriptions  of  this  type  are  still  to  be  found;  some 
of  the  most  interesting  Scandinavian  monuments 
were  raised  on  the  British  Isles;  even  classic 
Piraeus  once  had  its  runic  inscription. 

Sometimes  the  scribe  did  more  than  chisel  the 
letters.  Like  the  Christian  monk  who  illumined 
his  manuscript  with  elaborate  initials  and  more 
or  less  successful  miniatures,  the  rune-master 
would  also  try  his  hand  at  ornamentation.  In 
the  earher  middle  ages.  Northern  art,  if  the  term 
may  be  used,  was  usually  a  barbaric  representation 
of  animal  forms,  real  and  imaginary,  the  serpent 
and  the  dragon  being  favourite  subjects.  But  in 
the  western  colonies  the  vikings  were  introduced 
to  a  new  form  of  ornamentation,  the  Celtic  style, 
which  was  based  on  the  curving  line  or  a  combina- 
tion of  curved  interlocking  lines  that  seemed  not 
to  have  been  drawn  in  accordance  with  any  law 
of  regularity  or  symmetry,  but  traced  sinuously  in 
and  out  as  the  fancy  of  the  artist  might  direct.* 
This  form  was  adopted  by  the  Norse  colonists  and 
soon  found  its  way  to  the  mother  lands.  In  the 
North  it  suffered  an  important  modification:  the 
Norse  artists  added  an  element  of  their  own; 
the  old  motives  were  not  entirely  abandoned  for 
the  winding  body  of  the  serpent  or  the  dragon 
readily  fitted  into  the  new  combinations.  It  was 
this  modified  form  of  Irish  ornamentation  that 
ruled  among  the  Northmen  in  the  days  of  Canute 

'  Olrik,  Nordisk  Aandsliv,  58. 


302  Canute  the  Great 

and  later.  It  appears  wherever  decoration  was 
desired:  on  runic  monuments,  on  articles  of  per- 
sonal adornment,  and  even  on  the  painted  walls 
of  the  early  Scandinavian  churches. 

While  these  early  efforts  at  pictorial  representa- 
tion are  frequently  associated  with  runic  inscrip- 
tions and  incidental  to  them,  such  is  not  always  the 
case.  The  Northern  coimtries  possess  a  number  of 
"pictured  rocks, "  on  which  the  picture  is  the  chief 
and  often  the  only  matter  of  importance.  As 
many  of  these  belong  to  the  heathen  period,  the 
themes  are  often  mythological  or  suggestive  of 
warfare:  the  coming  of  the  fallen  warrior  to 
Walhalla  on  the  Tjangvide  Stone  ^;  viking  ships 
on  the  Stenkyrka  Stone.  The  comparatively  new 
sport  of  hawking  is  represented  on  a  stone  at 
Alstad  in  Southern  Norway.^  Themes  from  the 
heroic  age  seem  to  have  attained  an  early  popu- 
larity: especially  do  we  find  frequent  pictorial 
allusions  to  the  story  of  Wayland  Smith  and 
the  adventures  of  the  wonderful  Sigfried.  With 
Christianity  came  a  wealth  of  new  subjects  that 
could  be  used  in  artistic  efforts.  One  of  Canute's 
contemporaries,  the  Norwegian  woman  Gunvor, 
raised  (about  1050)  a  memorial  rock  bearing  a 
series  of  pictures  from  the  story  of  Christ's 
nativity.  ^    The  work  rarely  shows  much  original- 

'  The  Tjangvide  Stone  probably  dates  from  about  the  year 
900.  The  warrior  represented  may  be  Woden  on  his  eight-footed 
horse.     Bugge,  Vesterlandenes  Indflydelse,  323. 

'  Bugge,  Vikingerne,  ii. ,  234.      3  Norges  Historic,  I. ,  ii . ,  322 ,  323 . 


THE   HUNNESTAD   STONE 


THE  ALSTAD  STONE 


Northern  Culture  in  Days  of  Canute     303 

ity  on  the  part  of  the  artist,  though  frequently  a 
surprising  skill  is  displayed — surprising  when  the 
time  and  materials  are  taken  into  consideration. 
Many  of  the  pictm-es  are  clearly  copied  from 
Western,  perhaps  Anglo-Saxon  originals;  in  some 
instances  the  workman  was  evidently  reproducing 
the  embroidered  figures  on  imported  tapestries. 
The  Sigfried  picttu-es  on  the  Ramsund  rock  in 
Southern  Sweden  seem  to  be  of  this  type.'  But 
even  though  the  art  of  the  viking  age  does  not 
testify  to  much  creative  imagination,  it  serves  to 
prove  that  the  men  whom  we  think  of  as  mere 
pirates  were  not  whoUy  wanting  in  esthetic  sense. 

Evidence  of  a  cultivated  taste  is  also  seen  in  the 
large  number  of  rich  and  elegant  articles  of  personal 
adornment  in  the  form  of  rings,  necklaces,  brooches, 
and  the  like  that  have  come  to  light  from  time  to 
time.  It  was  long  thought  that  these  all  repre- 
sented plimder  or  ptu-chase  from  other  lands; 
but  recent  opinion  seems  inclined  to  regard  the 
larger  part  of  them  as  articles  of  native  manu- 
f actiure.  *  If  this  be  correct,  they  reveal  consider- 
able skill  in  the  finer  industrial  arts  and  also 
suggest  that  certain  forms  of  industry  must  have 
formed  an  important  factor  in  the  economic  life 
of  the  people. 

The  archaeologist  has  unearthed  many  varieties 
of  jewelry,  but  the  written  soiurces  tell  chiefly 

'  Schiick,  Stitdier  i  nordisk  LUteratur-  och  Religionshistoria,  i., 
203  ff . 

'  Montelius,  Kulturgeschichte  Schwedens,  296. 


304  Canute  the  Great 

of  rings,  doubtless  because  of  their  ancient  use  for 
monetary  purposes.  Even  in  the  days  of  Canute, 
the  ring,  especially  the  large  arm-ring,  was  com- 
monly used  in  rewarding  the  kingsmen.  Saint  Olaf 
once  stroked  the  arm  of  a  henchman  above  the 
elbow  to  determine  whether  Canute  had  bribed 
him.'  Canute's  officials  procured  the  allegiance 
of  Bjom,  Saint  Olaf's  spokesman,  for  English 
silver  and  two  heavy  gold  rings.  ^  Canute's  ring 
gift  to  Sighvat  has  been  noted  elsewhere;  Bersi, 
the  poet's  companion,  received  "a  mark  or  more 
and  a  keen  sword.  "^ 

Northern  industrial  art  of  the  later  heathen  age 
found  its  best  and  highest  expression  in  the  ship- 
bmlder's  trade.  Merchant  ships  as  well  as  ships 
for  warfare  were  built,  but  the  builder's  pride  was 
the  ship  that  the  King  sailed  when  he  sought  the 
enemy.  The  ships  that  bore  Canute's  warriors 
to  England  were  no  doubt  mainly  of  the  so-called 
long  ship  type,  a  form  that  was  developed  during 
the  second  half  of  the  tenth  century.  The  long 
ship  was  built  on  the  same  general  plan  as  the 
dragon  ship  of  the  century  before,  of  which  type 
we  have  a  remarkably  well-preserved  example  in 
the  ship  that  was  found  in  a  burial-mound  at  Gok- 
stad  near  Sandef  jord  in  Southern  Norway.  The 
Gokstad  ship  is  nearly  eighty  feet  long  from  stem 
to  stem,  and  a  little  less  than  one  fourth  as  wide. 
The  builders  of  the  long  ship  increased  the  length 

» Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  165.  » Ibid.,  c.  185. 

»  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  133. 


Northern  Culture  in  Days  of  Canute      305 

of  the  dragon,  but  did  not  increase  the  width 
proportionally.  Oak  timbers  and  iron  rivets  were 
the  materials  used.  It  is  likely  that  by  the  close 
of  the  viking  age  the  shipbuilder's  art  was  as 
highly  developed  in  the  North  as  anywhere  else 
in  Christian  Europe. 

The  long  ship  was  built  with  pointed  prow  and 
stem.  The  gunwales  generally  ran  parallel  to  the 
water  line,  but  in  the  prow  the  timbers  curved 
sharply  upward  to  join  the  stem,  which  projected 
above  the  body  of  the  ship  and  frequently  termin- 
ated in  some  carved  image  like  those  described  by 
the  Encomiast.  ^  The  stem  was  built  in  much  the 
same  fashion.  The  ribs  were  supported  and  held 
in  place  by  strong  cross-beams,  which  also  served 
as  supports  for  the  deck.  In  the  fore-end  the 
deck  was  high ;  here  stood  the  stem-men,  the  best 
warriors  on  board.  From  a  similarly  raised  deck 
in  the  stem,  the  chief  directed  the  movements  of 
the  ship  and  the  men  when  battle  was  joined. 
But  in  the  middle  portion  of  the  ship  the  deck 
was  low;  here  the  oarsmen  sat,  each  on  a  chest 
containing  his  clothes  and  other  belongings.  The 
number  of  pairs  of  oars  would  usually  indicate  the 
size  of  the  ship;  fifteen  or  twenty  pairs  were 
the  rule;  but  larger  ships  were  sometimes  built: 
the  Long  Serpent  had  thirty-foiu"  pairs.  A  rudder 
or  "steering  board"  was  fastened  to  the  after-part 
of  the  vessel,  on  the  side  that  has  since  been  known 
as  starboard. 

*  Encomium  EmmcE,  i.,  c.  4.  ' 


3o6  Canute  the  Great 

The  long  ship  was  also  equipped  with  a  mast  and 
a  sail.  The  mast  was  planted  amidships,  but  in 
such  a  way  that  it  could  be  lowered  when  not  in 
use.  The  sails  were  generally  made  of  coarse 
woollen  stuff;  they  often  bore  stripes,  blue,  red,  or 
green,  and  such  striped  sails  were  counted  highly 
ornamental.  The  ship  was  painted  and  the  gun- 
wales frequently  hung  with  shields,  alternately 
yellow  and  red.  An  awning  was  provided  to 
protect  the  vessel  from  rain  and  sunshine.  ^  The 
average  long  ship  had,  perhaps,  eighty  or  ninety 
men  on  board,  the  oarsmen  included.  The  num- 
ber varied,  of  course,  with  the  size  of  the  ship: 
the  Long  Serpent  is  said  to  have  had  a  crew  of 
three  hundred  men.* 

In  culture  the  later  viking  age  was  emphatically 
one  of  transition.  The  movement  that  trans- 
formed Northern  into  European  civilisation  cul- 
minated in  the  reign  of  Canute  and  was  no  doubt 
given  great  impetus  by  the  fact  of  his  imperial  au- 

*  For  brief  descriptions  of  Northern  ships  of  the  viking  age, 
see  Danmarks  Riges  Historic,  i.,  256-257,  318-322;  Montelius, 
Kultutgeschichte  Schwedens,  260-264. 

»  English  writers  seem  inclined  to  estimate  a  ship's  crew  at  not 
more  than  50  or  60  on  the  authority  of  Heremannus,  who  wrote 
the  "Miracles  of  Saint  Edmund"  toward  the  close  of  the  eleventh 
century  {Memorials  of  Saint  Edmund's  Abbey,  i.,  72,  92). 
But  on  the  question  of  viking  ships  and  crews  his  statements 
cannot  be  used  as  evidence:  his  ships  are  merchant  ships,  not 
viking  ships,  and  they  are  not  Scandinavian.  It  should  also  be 
noted  that  one  of  the  ships  (c.  50)  in  addition  to  "nearly  60" 
passengers  carried  36  beasts  (heads  of  cattle?)  and  16  horses 
heavily  laden  with  merchandise. 


ANGLO-SAXON    TABLE    SCENE 
(From  a  manuscript  in  the  British  Museum  reproduced  in  Norges  Historic,  i.,  it.) 


MODEL  OF  THE   GOKSTAD   SHIP 
(Longitudinal  sections.) 


Northern  Culture  in  Days  of  Canute     307 

thority  in  the  Christian  West.  The  seeds  of  the 
new  culture  had  been  gathered  long  before  and  in 
many  lands :  the  German,  the  Frank,  the  Celt,  and 
the  Saxon  had  all  contributed  to  the  new  fruit- 
age. But  in  the  North  as  elsewhere  in  the  middle 
ages,  the  mightiest  of  all  the  transforming  forces 
was  the  mediaeval  Church.  In  one  sense  the  po- 
etic activities  of  the  tenth  century  had  made  the 
transition  to  Christian  worship  easier  than  in  other 
lands :  the  author  of  the  Sibyl's  Prophecy  had,  un- 
intentionally, no  doubt,  bridged  the  gap  between 
the  contending  faiths.  The  intelligent  Northmen 
found  in  the  teachings  of  Christianity  conceptions 
very  similar  to  those  in  the  great  poem,  only  in  a 
different  historical  setting.  In  the  outward  sym- 
bolism, too,  the  Northman  found  similarities  that 
made  the  step  easier:  he  had  already  learned  to 
pour  water  over  the  new-bom  infant;  in  the  cross 
of  Christ  he  may  have  seen  a  modification  of 
Thor's  hammer;  the  Christian  tree  of  life  reminded 
him  of  the  ash  Yggdrasil  that  symbolised  the  unity 
of  the  worlds ;  the  Yule  festival  of  midwinter  tide 
was  readily  identified  with  the  Christian  celebra- 
tion of  the  Nativity  on  December  25th.  Too  much 
importance  must  not  be  assigned  to  these  con- 
siderations, but  they  doubtless  had  their  effect. 

But  even  the  Church  was  not  able  to  make  its 
conquest  of  the  North  complete.  The  Scandina- 
vian peoples  never  entirely  severed  their  connec- 
tion with  the  historic  past.  The  bridge  that  was 
built  by  the  Sibyl's  Prophecy  was  never  demol- 


3o8  Canute  the  Great 

ished.  The  poet  purged  the  old  mythology  of 
much  that  was  revolting  and  absurd  and  thus 
made  the  old  divinities  and  the  old  cosmic  ideas 
attractive  and  more  easily  acceptable.  Even 
when  the  new  cult  became  compulsory  and  even 
fashionable,  it  was  hard  for  the  Northman  to 
desert  his  gods.  Hallfred  Troublousscald,  who 
flourished  in  the  years  of  Canute's  childhood,  gives 
expression  to  this  f  eeHng  in  one  of  his  poems : 

'T  is  heavy  to  cherish  hatred 
For  Frigg's  divine  husband 
Now  that  Christ  has  our  worship, 
For  the  scald  delighted  in  Woden. 

But  Olaf  Trygvesson  has  commanded  that  the  old 
faith  be  renounced  and  men  have  obeyed,  though 
unwilHngly : 

Cast  to  the  winds  all  men  have 
The  kindred  of  mighty  Woden ; 
Forced  to  renounce  Njord's  children 
I  kneel  to  Christ  in  worship. 

After  several  verses  of  regretful  and  half-hearted 
renunciation  the  scald  continues : 

I  will  call  upon  Christ  with  love  words 
(I  can  bear  the  Son's  wrath  no  longer; 
He  rules  the  earth  in  glory) 
And  God  the  Father  in  prayer.  * 

The  gods  continued  to  live  in  the  popular  im- 
agination as  great  heroic  figures  that  had  flour- 

'  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  ii.,  96-97. 


^^Aj. 


14^- 


,J^fi^^% 


'^\% 


f^X 


:^>^ 


,C^ 


^V 


THE  LUNDAGARD  STONE 
(Shows  types  of  ornamentation  in  Canute's  day.) 


Northern  Culture  in  Days  of  Canute     309 

ished  in  the  earlier  ages  of  the  race.  Much  that 
belonged  to  the  worship  of  the  Anses  was  car- 
ried over  into  the  Christian  life.  The  Scandi- 
navian Christians  on  the  Isle  of  Man  evidently- 
found  nothing  incongruous  in  placing  heathen  or- 
namentations on  the  cross  of  Christ.  Sometimes 
the  attributes  of  the  ancestral  divinities  were  trans- 
ferred to  the  Christian  saints.  The  red  beard 
with  which  Christian  artists  soon  provided  the 
strong  and  virile  Saint  Olaf  was  probably  sug- 
gested by  the  flaming  beard  of  the  hammering 
Thor. 


r  n  >  *  R  Y:^  +.1  +  H:  t  ^  r  Y  A 

futhork     hnias     tblm-r 

RUNIC  ALPHABET 


CHAPTER  XIV 

THE  LAST  YEARS 
IO3I-IO35 

AFTER  the  passing  of  the  Norman  war-cloud 
and  the  failure  of  the  Norse  reaction  in 
1030,  Canute  almost  disappears  from  the  stage 
of  English  history.  The  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle 
which  gives  us  so  much  information  on  his  earlier 
career  in  England  has  but  little  to  tell  of  his 
activities  as  king;  for  the  closing  years  of  the 
reign  the  summaries  are  particularly  meagre. 
Evidently  the  entries  for  this  reign  were  written 
from  memory  some  years  after  the  death  of  the 
great  King;  and  the  scribe  recalled  but  little.  It 
is  also  likely  that  the  closing  years  in  Britain  were 
peaceful  and  quiet,  such  as  do  not  give  the  annalist 
much  to  record.  Of  the  larger  European  move- 
ments, of  the  Norse  secession,  of  movements  on 
the  Danish  border,  and  of  the  renewed  compact 
with  the  Emperor,  the  cloister  was  probably  not 
well  informed. 

As  the  Chronicler  thinks  back  upon  the  passing 
of  a  King  who  was  still  in  his  best  and  strongest 

310 


^4v^ 


-a  r 


THE  JURBY  CROSS,   ISLE  OF  MAN 


THE   GOSFORTH   CROSS, 
CUMBERLAND 


[1031-1035]  The  Last  Years  311 

years,  there  comes  to  him  the  memory  of  certain 
strange  natural  phenomena  which  suddenly  take 
on  meaning.  In  1033,  two  years  before  the 
King's  death,  "appeared  the  wild  fire,"  such  as 
none  could  remember  the  like  of.  There  could  be 
no  doubt  as  to  the  interpretation :  it  was  an  omen 
giving  warnings  of  great  changes  to  come,  the  end 
of  alien  rule,  even  as  a  fiery  heaven  announced  its 
imminence  in  the  days  of  the  boy  Ethelred. 

Later  writers  report  that  during  the  last  years 
of  his  life  Canute  was  afflicted  with  a  long  and 
severe  illness,  and  it  has  been  inferred  that  this 
may  account  for  the  uneventful  character  of  this 
period.  There  may  be  an  element  of  truth  in  this, 
but  he  was  not  too  ill  to  take  an  active  interest  in 
political  affairs.  His  legislation  evidently  belongs 
to  one  of  these  years.  In  one  of  the  manuscripts  of 
Canute's  code  he  is  spoken  of  as  King  of  Angles, 
Danes  and  Norwegians,  a  title  that  he  could  not 
claim  before  1028.  As  he  did  not  return  from  his 
expedition  to  Norway  before  the  following  year, 
the  earliest  possible  date  for  the  enactment  of  Ca- 
nute's laws  is  Christmas,  1029.'  For  they  were 
drawn  up  at  a  meeting  of  the  national  assembly 
"at  the  holy  midwinter  tide  in  Winchester. " 

There  are  reasons  for  believing,  however,  that 
the  laws  are  of  a  still  later  date.  Little  need  there 
was,  it  would  seem,  for  extensive  ecclesiastical 
legislation  in  those  years  when  paganism  was  in 

'  The  author  has  discussed  this  subject  further  in  the  American 
Historical  Review,  xv.,  741-742. 


312  Canute  the  Great  (io3i- 

full  retreat  and  Christianity  had  become  fashion- 
able even  among  the  vikings.  Some  condition 
must  have  arisen  that  made  it  necessary  for  the 
King  to  take  a  positive  stand  on  the  side  of  the 
EngUsh  Church.  Such  a  condition  may  have 
grown  out  of  the  canonisation  of  Saint  Olaf  in 
1 03 1.  He  was  the  first  native  saint  of  the  North 
and  the  young  Scandinavian  Church  hailed  him 
with  a  joy  that  was  ominous  for  those  who  had 
pursued  him  to  the  grave.  It  may  have  been  in 
the  hope  of  checking  the  spread  of  the  new  cult 
in  England  that  the  witenagemot,  the  same  that 
ratified  Canute's  legislation,  canonised  the  impe- 
rious Archbishop  who  had  governed  the  English 
Church  two  generations  earlier.  The  method  of 
canonisation  was  probably  new;  but  the  nobles 
and  prelates  of  England  were  surely  as  competent 
to  act  in  such  a  matter  as  the  youthful  church  at 
Nidaros. 

Canute  showed  an  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the 
Church  to  the  last  months  of  his  life.  It  was 
apparently  in  this  period  that  he  initiated  the 
policy  of  advancing  his  own  chapel  priests  to 
episcopal  appointments:  in  1032  Elf  wine  became 
Bishop  of  Winchester;  the  following  year  Duduc, 
another  chapel  priest,  was  promoted  in  the  same 
manner.^  The  church  of  York  was  remembered 
with  a  large  gift  of  lands  to  Archbishop  Alfric' 
Gifts  to  some  of  the  larger  monasteries  are  also 

'  Larson,  The  King's  Household  in  England,  141. 
*  Kemble,  Codex  Diplomaticus,  No.  749. 


1035]  The  Last  Years  313 

recorded  for  these  same  years:  to  Sherburne, 
Winchester,  Abingdon,  and  Croyland.^  These 
usually  took  the  form  of  land,  though  ornaments 
and  articles  intended  for  use  in  the  church  service 
were  also  given.  Abingdon  received  lands  and 
bells  and  a  case  of  gold  and  silver  for  the  relics  of 
"the  most  glorious  martyr  Vincent  of  Spain" 
whose  resting  place  was  in  this  church.*  It  is 
worth  noting  that  Abbot  Siward  who  ruled  at 
Abingdon  during  the  last  few  years  of  the  reign 
bore  a  Danish  name. 

Canute's  last  recorded  gift  was  to  the  Old 
Minster  at  Winchester  in  1035,  the  year  of  his 
death.  This  comprised  a  landed  estate,  a  bier 
for  the  relics  of  Saint  Brice,  a  large  image,  two 
bells,  and  a  silver  candlestick  with  six  branches.  ^ 
It  may  be  that  he  had  premonitions  of  com- 
ing death,  for  in  this  abbey  he  chose  to  be 
buried. 

We  do  not  know  what  efforts  Canute  may  have 
made  to  improve  the  material  conditions  in  his 
Anglo-Saxon  kingdom,  but  it  appears  that  such 
undertakings  were  not  wholly  wanting.  The  King 
showed  great  favour  to  the  religious  establish- 
ments in  the  Fenlands  and  was  evidently  impressed 

'  Kemble,  Codex  Diplomaticus,  Nos.  748,  750,  751, 1322.  The 
Croyland  charter  is  clearly  a  forgery,  but  Canute  may  have  made 
the  grant  none  the  less  as  the  forged  charters  frequently  represent 
an  attempt  to  replace  a  genuine  document  that  has  been  lost  or 
destroyed. 

'  Chronicon  Monasterii  de  Abingdon,  i.,  443. 

3  Annales  Monaslici,  ii.,  16. 


314  Canute  the  Great  [1031- 

with  the  diflficiilty  of  travel  from  abbey  to  abbey. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  remedy  this: 

and  that  same  road  through  the  marshes  between 
Ramsey  and  the  borough  that  is  called  King's  Delf  he 
caused  to  be  improved  that  the  danger  of  passing 
through  the  great  swamps  might  be  avoided. » 

Matthew  Paris,  our  authority  for  this  statement, 
wrote  nearly  two  centuries  after  Canute's  day, 
but  it  is  likely  that  he  is  reporting  a  correct 
tradition ;  if  the  work  had  been  done  at  the  instance 
of  one  of  the  later  kings,  it  is  not  probable  that  it 
would  have  been  associated  with  the  name  of  the 
Danish  ruler. 

The  Norwegian  sources  have  little  to  say  of 
Canute  after  the  battle  of  Stiklestead;  but  they 
follow  the  troubles  of  the  Norse  regency  in  some 
detail.  It  was  thought  best,  when  Sweyn  was 
sent  to  Norway,  to  give  him  the  royal  title;  but 
as  he  was  a  mere  youth,  the  actual  power  was  in 
the  hands  of  his  mother,  Elgiva,  who  was  probably 
associated  with  Earl  Harold  of  Jomburg,  Hartha- 
canute's  minister  and  guardian  in  Denmark,  who 
seems  to  have  acted  as  Canute's  personal  repre- 
sentative in  his  eastern  kingdoms.  ^  Mention  has 
already  been  made  of  the  opposition  that  soon 
arose  to  the  Danish  regime.  It  was  not  long 
before  the  dissatisfied  elements  formed  an  alliance 
with  the  partisans  of  the  old  dynasty  who  were 

*  Matthew  Paris,  Chronica  Majora,  i.,  509. 
'  Munch,  Det  norske  Folks  Historic,  I.,  ii.,  814. 


1035]  The  Last  Years  315 

assiduously  disseminating  the  belief  that  the  fallen 
Olaf  was  a  saint. 

All  through  the  winter  that  followed  the  King's 
martyrdom  stories  were  current  of  miracles  per- 
formed by  the  holy  relics :  wounds  had  been  healed 
and  blindness  removed  by  accidental  contact 
with  the  royal  blood.  At  the  same  time  much  ill- 
feeling  developed  against  Bishop  Sigurd  who  had 
shown  such  a  partisan  spirit  on  the  eve  of  the 
tragedy  at  Stiklestead.  Sigurd  was  a  Dane  who 
had  served  as  chaplain  at  the  English  court*  and 
had  therefore  a  double  reason  for  preferring  Canute. 
Under  the  regency  he  had  continued  as  chief  of  the 
Norwegian  Church,  but  soon  the  murmur  became 
so  loud  that  the  zealous  prelate  had  to  withdraw 
to  England. 

Einar  Thongshaker  now  came  forward  to  lead 
the  opposition  to  the  regents.  He  was  the  first 
of  the  chiefs  to  express  his  belief  in  Olaf 's  sanctity 
and  many  were  ready  to  follow  his  lead.  Bishop 
Grimkell,  who  since  Olaf's  flight  in  1029  had  re- 
mained in  comparative  quiet  in  the  Uplands,  was 
asked  to  come  and  investigate  the  current  rumours 
of  miraculous  phenomena.  The  Bishop  responded 
very  promptly.  On  the  way  he  visited  Einar,  by 
whom  he  was  gladly  welcomed.  Later  the  prelate 
appeared  at  Nidaros  and  began  extended  investi- 
gations into  the  matter  of  the  reported  wonders. 
Einar  was  next  summoned  to  conduct  the  negotia- 

'  Taranger,  Den  angelsaksiske  Kirkes  Indflydelse  paa  den 
norske,  176. 


3i6  Canute  the  Great  [i03i- 

tions  with  the  regency.  The  plans  of  the  national 
faction  seem  to  have  been  carefully  laid;  it  was 
probably  not  accidental  that  the  city  suddenly 
was  thronged  by  incoming  Norsemen. 

Having  secured  permission  from  King  Sweyn 
to  act  in  the  matter,  Einar  and  Grimkell,  followed 
by  the  multitude,  proceeded  to  the  spot  where 
Olaf's  remains  were  said  to  have  been  buried. 
According  to  the  legend  that  Snorre  in  part  follows, 
the  coffin  was  found  to  have  risen  toward  the 
surface  and  looked  new  as  if  recently  planed.  No 
change  was  observed  in  the  remains  except  that 
the  hair  and  nails  showed  considerable  growth ;  the 
cheeks  were  red  as  those  of  one  who  had  just 
fallen  asleep.  But  the  Queen-mother  was  not 
easily  convinced: 

"Very  slowly  do  bodies  decay  in  sand ;  it  would  have 
been  otherwise  if  he  had  lain  in  mould."  Then  the 
Bishop  took  a  pair  of  shears  and  clipped  off  a  part  of 
the  King's  hair  and  beard, — he  wore  a  long  moustache, 
as  custom  was  in  those  days.  Then  said  the  Bishop 
to  the  King  and  Alfiva:  "Now  is  the  King's  hair  and 
beard  as  long  as  when  he  died;  but  it  has  grown  as 
much  as  you  see  I  have  cut  off . "  Then  repHed  Alfiva : 
"I  believe  hair  to  be  sacred  if  it  is  not  consumed  in 
fire ;  often  have  we  seen  whole  and  uninjured  the  hair 
of  men  who  have  lain  in  the  earth  longer  than  this 
man."  So  the  Bishop  placed  fire  in  a  censer,  blessed  it, 
and  added  the  incense.  Then  he  laid  Olaf's  hair  in 
the  fire.  But  when  the  incense  was  consumed,  the 
Bishop  took  the  hair  from  the  fire,  and  it  was  wholly 


THE    FALL  OF  SAINT  OLAF 
(Initial  in  the  Flat-isle  Book.) 


1035]  The  Last  Years  317 

unbumt.  The  Bishop  showed  it  to  the  King  and  the 
other  chiefs.  Then  Alfiva  requested  them  to  place 
the  hair  in  unblessed  fire;  but  Einar  Tremblethong 
spoke  up,  bade  her  keep  silence,  and  used  many  hard 
words.  Then  by  the  Bishop's  decision,  the  King's 
consent,  and  the  judgment  of  the  entire  assembly,  it 
was  decreed  that  King  Olaf  was  in  truth  a  holy  man. » 

Whatever  the  procedure  employed,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  King  Olaf  was  canonised  in  the 
summer  of  1031  (August  3d  is  the  date  given)  by 
popular  act;  nor  can  it  be  doubted  that  Elgiva 
resisted  the  act — she  must  have  seen  that  the 
canonisation  meant  her  own  and  her  son's  tmdoing. 
For  she  must  surely  have  realised  that  political 
considerations  were  an  important  element  in  the 
devotion  of  the  Norsemen  to  their  new  patron. 

There  was  later  a  tradition  among  the  monks 
of  Nidaros  that  Canute  at  one  time  planned  to 
establish  a  monastery  in  the  northern  capital.* 
If  such  an  attempt  was  made,  it  evidently  failed; 
but  it  would  not  be  strange  if  the  King  should  try 
to  establish  an  institution  where  loyalty  to  the 
empire  might  be  nursed  and  which  might  assist 
in  uprooting  nationalistic  tendencies.  If  the  at- 
tempt was  made,  it  was  probably  soon  after  the 
canonisation,  when  it  became  important  to  divert 
attention  from  the  new  cult. 

For   the  worship   of   Saint   Olaf  spread   with 

*  Snorre,  Saga  of  Saint  Olaf,  c.  244.  For  the  preliminary  steps 
see  cc.  239-243. 

'  Matthew  Paris,  Chronica  Majora,  v.,  42. 


3i8  Canute  the  Great  [io3i- 

astonishing  rapidity  not  only  through  Norway  but 
through  the  entire  North  and  even  farther.  The 
Church  had  saints  in  great  number;  but  here  was 
one  from  the  very  midst  of  the  Scandinavian 
people.  Moreover,  Saint  Olaf  was  a  saint  whom 
the  men  of  the  day  could  appreciate:  he  was  of 
their  own  type,  with  the  strength  of  Thor  and  the 
wisdom  of  Woden ;  they  had  seen  him  and  felt  the 
edge  of  his  ax.  So  all  along  the  shores  that  Olaf 
the  Stout  had  plundered  in  his  earlier  heathen  days 
churches  arose  dedicated  to  the  virile  saint  of  the 
North.' 

There  were  other  diffictilties,  too,  that  the  re- 
gents had  to  contend  with.  Hunger  stalked  over 
the  land.  The  Norwegian  people  had  always  been 
accustomed  to  hold  their  kings  responsible  for 
the  state  of  the  harvest;  they  were  to  secure  the 
favour  of  the  gods ;  a  failure  of  crops  meant  that 
this  duty  had  been  shirked.  The  feeling  lingered 
for  some  time  after  the  disappearance  of  heathen- 
dom. Sweyn  was  only  a  youth  and  was  not  held 
responsible ;  the  blame  fell  upon  the  hated  Queen- 
mother  and  the  hard  years  of  her  rule  were  known 
as  the  "Alfiva-time. "  The  general  discontent  is 
expressed  in  a  contemporary  fragment  attributed 
to  Sigh  vat; 

Alfiva's  time  our  sons  will 
Long  remember;  then  ate  we 
Food  more  fit  for  oxen, 
Shavings  the  fare  of  he-goats. 
*  Daae,  Norges  Helgener,  48-60. 


1035]  The  Last  Years  319 

It  was  not  thus  when  the  noble 
Olaf  governed  the  Norsemen ; 
Then  could  we  all  boast  of 
Corn-filled  bams  and  houses.  * 

And  Thorarin  Praise-tongue  in  the  Shrine-song 
addressed  to  Sweyn  the  son  of  Canute  urges  the 
young  regent  to  seek  the  favour  of  the  new  saint, 
"the  mighty  pillar  of  the  book-language": 

Pray  thou  to  Olaf  that  he  grant  thee 
(He  is  a  man  of  God)  aU  his  land  rights; 
For  he  can  win  from  God  himself 
Peace  to  men  and  good  harvests." 

In  1033,  a  revolt  broke  out  in  Norway  in  the 
interest  of  one  Trygve,  a  pretended  son  of  Olaf 
Trygvesson  and  an  English  mother.  The  attempt 
failed;  the  Norse  chiefs  had  other  plans.  In 
Russia  was  Magnus,  the  illegitimate  son  of  the 
holy  King,  now  about  nine  or  ten  years  old;  him 
had  the  chiefs  determined  upon  as  their  future 
leader.  Early  the  next  year  an  embassy  was  sent 
to  Russia  led  by  the  two  magnates  Einar  and 
Kalf.  Here  oaths  were  sworn  and  plans  were 
laid,  and  in  the  following  spring  (1035)  Magnus 
Olafsson  appeared  in  Norway  as  the  foster  son  of 
Kalf  who  had  led  his  father's  banesmen  at 
Stiklestead. 

From  the  moment  when  Magnus  set  foot  on  his 
native  soil  Norway  was  lost  to  the  empire.     Sweyn 

^  Corpus PoeticumBoreale,n.,i^.  'Ibid.,  i6i. 


320  Canute  the  Great  [io3i- 

was  farther  south  in  his  kingdom  when  news 
came  of  revolt  in  the  Throndelaw.  He  promptly 
summoned  the  yeomanry,  but  feeling  that  their 
devotion  to  him  was  a  matter  of  grave  doubt, 
he  gave  up  his  plans  of  resistance  and  fled  to  his 
brother  Harthacanute  in  Denmark,  where  he 
died  less  than  a  year  later.  ^  His  mother  Elgiva 
evidently  withdrew  to  England,  where  the  death 
of  Canute  the  following  November  doubtless  gave 
her  another  opportunity  to  play  the  politician. 

So  far  as  we  know,  Canute  made  no  effort  to 
dislodge  Magnus.  It  may  be  true  that  he  was 
ill ;  or  perhaps  the  power  of  the  Church  restrained 
him :  Magnus  was  the  son  of  a  saint ;  would  not  the 
martyred  King  enlist  the  powers  of  heaven  on  the 
side  of  his  son?  But  it  was  probably  want  of  time 
and  not  lack  of  interest  and  purpose  that  prevented 
reconquest.  There  is  an  indication  that  Canute 
was  preparing  for  important  movements :  at  Whit- 
suntide, 1035,  while  the  imperial  court  was  at 
Bamberg,  he  was  renewing  his  friendship  with  the 
Emperor  and  arranging  for  the  marriage  of  his 
daughter  Gunhild  to  the  future  Henry  III.* 
Perhaps  we  should  see  in  this  a  purpose  to  secure 
the  southern  frontier  in  anticipation  of  renewed 
hostilities  in  the  North. 

But  whatever  may  have  been  Canute's  plans, 
they  were  never  carried  out — the  hand  of  death 
came  in  between.     On  Wednesday,  November  12, 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Magnus  the  Good,  cc.  4,  5. 
*  Manitius,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  411-412. 


1035]  The  Last  Years  321 

1035,  the  great  Dane  saw  the  last  of  earth  at 
Shaftesbury,  an  old  town  on  the  Dorset  border, 
a  day's  journey  from  the  capital.  The  remains 
were  brought  to  Winchester  and  interred  in  the 
Old  Minster,*  an  ancient  abbey  dedicated  to  the 
chief  of  the  Apostles,  which  Canute  had  remem- 
bered so  Hberally  earlier  in  the  year. 

We  have  already  noted  the  tradition  reported 
by  both  Norse  and  EngUsh  writers  that  his  death 
was  preceded  by  a  long  and  serious  illness;  one 
of  the  sagas  states  that  the  fatal  disease  was 
jaundice.  2  There  would  be  nothing  incredible 
in  this,  but  the  evidence  is  not  of  the  best.  The 
fact  that  death  came  to  him  not  in  the  residential 
city  but  in  the  neighbouring  town  of  Shaftesbury 
seems  to  indicate  that  he  was  at  the  time  making 
one  of  his  regiilar  progresses  through  the  coim- 
try,  as  seems  to  have  been  his  custom.  ^  In  that 
case  the  illness  could  hardly  have  been  a  pro- 
tracted one. 

It  is  likely,  however,  that  Canute  was  not  phy- 
sically robust ;  he  died  in  the  prime  of  manhood, 
having  scarcely  passed  the  fortieth  year;  and  he 
seems  not  to  have  transmitted  much  viriHty  to  his 
children.  Three  sons  and  a  daughter  were  bom 
to  him,  but  within  seven  years  of  his  own  death 
they  had  all  joined  him  in  the  grave.  Sweyn,  who 
seems  to  have  been  the  oldest,  died  a  few  months 

*  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1035;  Encomium  Emma,  iii.,  c.  I. 

'  Knytlingasaga,  c.  18. 

■J  Historia  Rameseiensis,  135. 


322  Canute  the  Great  ^losi- 

after  his  father,  perhaps  in  the  early  part  of 
1036.  Gtinhild  followed  in  1038;  Harold  in  1040; 
and  Harthacanute  in  1042.  With  Harthacanute 
passed  away  the  last  male  representative  of  the 
Knytling  family;  after  a  few  years  the  crown  of 
Denmark  passed  to  the  descendants  of  Canute's 
sister  Estrid,  to  the  son  of  the  murdered  Ulf . 

None  of  Canute's  children  seems  to  have  at- 
tained a  real  maturity:  Harold  and  Harthaca- 
nute probably  reached  their  twenty-fourth  year; 
Sweyn  died  at  the  age  of  perhaps  twenty- two; 
Gunhild  could  not  have  been  more  than  eighteen 
when  she  laid  down  the  earthly  crown.  There  is 
no  reason  for  thinking  that  any  of  them  was 
degenerate  with  the  exception  of  Harold  Harefoot, 
and  in  his  case  we  have  hostile  testimony  only;  at 
the  same  time,  they  were  all  surely  lacking  in 
bodily  strength  and  vigour. 

Nor  is  there  any  reason  for  thinking  that  these 
weaknesses  were  maternal  inheritances,  for  the 
women  that  Canute  consorted  with  were  evidently 
strong  and  vigorous  and  both  of  them  siirvived 
him.  We  know  little  of  the  concubine  Elgiva 
except  that  she  was  proud  and  imperious,  on  fire 
with  ambition  for  herself  and  her  sons.  Emma 
was  a  woman  of  a  similar  type.  Canute  appar- 
ently found  it  inconvenient  to  have  the  two  in  the 
same  kingdom,  and  when  the  mistress  returned 
to  England  after  the  Norse  revolt,  we  seem  to 
see  her  hand  in  the  consequent  intrigues.  Queen 
Emma  survived  her  husband  more  than  sixteen 


1035]  The  Last  Years  s^S 

years;  "on  March  14  [1052],  died  the  Old  Lady, 
the  mother  of  King  Edward  and  Harthacanute, 
named  Imme,  and  her  body  Hes  in  the  Old  Min- 
ster with  King  Canute."*  At  the  time  of  her 
death  she  must  have  been  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  seventy  years  of  age. 

Of  Canute's  personality  we  know  nothing.  The 
portraits  on  his  coins,  if  such  rude  drawings  can 
be  called  portraits,  give  us  no  idea  of  his  personal 
appearance.  Nor  is  the  picture  in  the  Liber 
Vitce  likely  to  be  more  than  an  idealistic  repre- 
sentation. Idealistic,  too,  no  doubt,  is  the  descrip- 
tion of  Canute  in  the  Knytlingasaga,  composed 
two  centuries  or  more  after  his  time: 

Canute  the  King  was  large  of  build  and  very  strong, 
a  most  handsome  man  in  every  respect  except  that 
his  nose  was  thin  and  slightly  aquiline  with  a  high 
ridge.  He  was  fair  in  complexion,  had  an  abundance 
of  fair  hair,  and  eyes  that  surpassed  those  of  most  men 
both  as  to  beauty  and  keenness  of  vision.* 

The  writer  adds  that  he  was  Hberal  in  dealing  with 
men,  brave  in  fight,  favoured  of  fortime,  but  not 
wise.  Except  for  the  details  as  to  the  nose, 
which  give  the  reader  the  feeling  that  the  writer 
may,  after  all,  have  had  some  authentic  source 
of  information  at  his  disposal,  this  picture  would 
describe  almost  any  one  of  the  heroic  figures  of  the 
time. 

'Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1052.  •C.20. 


324  Canute  the  Great  [io3i- 

On  his  own  contemporaries  Canute  made  a 
profound  impression  which  succeeding  generations 
have  shared.  In  Britain  he  was  called  the  Great ; 
in  Scandinavia  the  Rich,  the  Mighty  or  the 
Powerful.  The  extent  of  his  possessions,  the 
splendour  of  his  court,  the  size  of  his  navy,  his 
intimate  relations  with  Pope  and  Emperor — all 
these  things  gave  him  a  position  and  a  prestige 
that  was  imheard  of  in  the  Northlands.  And  it 
was  indeed  a  marvellous  achievement  for  a  pirate 
chief  from  a  nation  just  emerging  from  heathen- 
dom to  gather  into  his  power  the  realms  and  terri- 
tories that  made  up  the  Knytling  empire. 

To  analyse  a  character  such  as  that  of  Canute 
is  a  difficiilt  task,  as  character  analysis  always 
must  be.  There  was  so  much  that  was  derived 
from  a  heathen  time  and  ancestry,  and  also  so 
much  that  had  been  acquired  by  contact  with 
Christian  culture  and  influences,  that  the  result 
could  be  only  a  strange  composite  out  of  which 
traits  and  characteristics,  often  contradictory  and 
hostile,  would  come  to  the  surface  as  occasion 
would  suggest.  Canute  was  a  Christian,  probably 
baptised  in  his  youth  by  some  German  ecclesiastic, 
as  the  Christian  name  Lambert,  which  in  harmony 
with  custom  was  added  to  the  one  that  he  already 
possessed,  seems  distinctly  German.  But  the  new 
name  was  evidently  not  much  employed,  except, 
perhaps,  on  occasions  when  the  King  wished  to 
emphasise  his  Christian  character.  He  seems  to 
have  entered  into  some  sort  of  fraternal  relations 


1035]  The  Last  Years  325 

with  the  monks  of  Bremen:  in  the  book  of  our 
brotherhood,  says  Adam  the  monk,  he  is  named 
Lambert,  King  of  the  Danes.  ^ 

The  historians  of  Old  EngHsh  times,  both  Saxon 
and  Norman,  were  ecclesiastics  and  saw  the  reign 
of  Canute  from  their  peculiar  view-point.  To 
them  the  mighty  Dane  was  the  great  Christian 
King,  the  founder  of  monasteries,  the  giver  of 
costly  gifts  and  valuable  endowments  to  the  houses 
of  God.  To  the  undisputed  traits  of  Christian 
liberaHty,  they  added  those  of  piety  and  humil- 
ity, and  told  stories  of  the  visit  to  the  monks  of 
Ely  and  of  Canute's  vain  attempt  to  stem  the 
tides  and  compel  their  obedience.  The  former 
is  probably  a  true  story ;  there  is  no  reason  why 
the  King,  who  seems  to  have  taken  great  inter- 
est in  the  abbeys  of  the  Fenlands,  should  not  have 
visited  the  cloisters  of  Ely,  and  he  may  have  been 
attracted  by  the  chants  of  the  monks,  which  is 
more  doubtful.  But  the  tale  of  how  Canute  had 
to  demonstrate  his  powerlessness  before  his  ad- 
miring courtiers  is  a  myth  too  patent  to  need  dis- 
cussion.' There  was  nothing  of  the  Oriental 
spirit  in  the  Northern  courts. 

That  Canute  was  religious  carmot  be  denied. 
Nor  should  we  doubt  that  he  was  truly  and 
•iionestly  so,  as  religion  passed  among  the  rulers 

» Gesta,  schol.  38. 

'The  story  must  have  arisen  soon  after  the  Danish  period; 
it  is  first  told  by  Henry  of  Huntingdon  who  wrote  two  generations 
later.    Historia  Anglorum,  189. 


326  Canute  the  Great  [i03i- 

of  the  age.  The  time  demanded  defence  and 
support  of  the  priesthood,  and  this  Canute  granted, 
at  least  toward  the  close  of  his  life.  Perhaps  in 
real  piety,  too,  he  was  the  equal  of  his  contem- 
poraries whom  the  Church  has  declared  holy: 
Saint  Stephen  of  Hungary,  Saint  Henry  of  Ger- 
many, and  Saint  Olaf  of  Norway.  Still,  it  becomes 
evident  as  we  follow  his  career  that  at  no  period 
of  his  life,  unless  it  be  in  the  closing  years  of  which 
we  know  so  little,  did  Canute  permit  consideration 
for  the  Church  or  the  Christian  faith  to  control 
his  actions  or  determine  his  policies.  The  moving 
passion  of  Canute's  life  was  not  a  fiery  zeal  for 
the  exaltation  of  the  Church,  but  a  yearning  for 
personal  power  and  imperial  honours. 

In  the  Northern  sources  written  by  laymen, 
especially  in  the  verses  of  the  wandering  scalds, 
we  get  a  somewhat  different  picture  of  Canute 
from  that  which  has  been  painted  in  the  English 
cloisters.  Little  emphasis  is  here  placed  on  Ca- 
nute's fideUty  to  the  new  faith;  here  we  have 
the  conqueror,  the  diplomat,  the  politician  whose 
goal  is  success,  be  the  means  what  they  may. 
The  wholesale  bribery  that  he  employed  to  the 
ruin  of  Saint  Olaf,  the  making  and  breaking  of 
promises  to  the  Norwegian  chiefs,  and  the  treat- 
ment of  his  sister's  family  suggest  a  sense  of  honotu* 
that  was  not  delicate,  a  passion  for  truth  that  was 
not  keen.  In  his  preference  for  devious  ways,  in 
the  deliberate  use  that  he  made  of  the  lower 
passions  of  men,  he  shows  a  characteristic  that  is 


10351  The  Last  Years  327 

not  Northern.  All  was  not  honest  frankness  in 
the  Scandinavian  lands;  but  the  pirates  and  their 
successors,  as  a  rule,  did  not  prefer  bribery  and 
falsehood  to  open  battle  and  honest  fight. 

Slavic  ancestry,  Christian  culture,  Anglo-Saxon 
ideas,  and  the  responsibilities  of  a  great  monarchy 
did  much  to  develop  and  modify  a  character  which 
was  fundamentally  as  much  Slavic  as  Scandi- 
navian. Still,  deep  in  his  strong  soul  lay  uncon- 
quered  the  fierce  passions  that  ruled  the  viking  age 
— pitiless  cruelty,  craving  for  revenge,  consuming 
hatred,  and  lust  for  power.  As  a  rule  he  seems  to 
have  been  humane  and  merciful;  he  believed  in 
orderly  government,  in  security  for  his  subjects; 
but  when  an  obstacle  appeared  in  the  path  of  his 
ambitions,  he  had  little  scruple  as  to  the  means 
to  be  employed  in  removing  it.  The  mutilation 
of  the  hostages  at  Sandwich,  the  slaughter  and 
outlawry  of  earls  and  ethelings  in  the  early  years 
of  his  rule  in  England,  the  assassination  of  Ulf 
in  Roeskild  church  suggest  a  spirit  that  could  be 
terrible  when  roused.  Something  can  be  said  for 
Canute  in  all  these  instances:  Ulf  was  probably  a 
traitor;  the  hostages  represented  broken  pledges; 
the  etheHngs  were  a  menace  to  his  rule.  But  why 
was  the  traitor  permitted  to  live  tmtil  he  had 
helped  the  King  in  his  sorest  straits;  and  what 
was  to  be  gained  by  the  mutilation  of  innocent 
Englishmen ;  and  was  there  no  other  way  to  make 
infants  harmless  than  to  decree  their  secret  death 
in  a  foreign  land? 


328  Canute  the  Great  [io3t- 

Canute  possessed  in  full  measure  the  Scandina- 
vian power  of  adaptation,  the  quality  that  made 
the  Northmen  such  a  force  in  Normandy  and 
Naples.  He  grasped  the  ideals  of  mediaeval 
Christianity,  he  appreciated  the  value  of  the  new 
order  of  things,  and  imdertook  to  introduce  it 
among  the  Northern  peoples.  But  he  did  not 
permit  the  new  circumstances  and  ideals  to  control 
him;  only  so  long  as  they  served  his  purpose  or  did 
not  hinder  him  in  the  pursuit  of  that  purpose  did 
he  bow  to  them.  When  other  means  promised 
to  be  more  effective,  he  chose  accordingly. 

The  empire  that  he  founded  did  not  survive 
him;  it  had  begun  to  crumble  in  his  own  day;  the 
English  crown  was  soon  lost  to  the  Danish  dynasty. 
It  would  appear,  therefore,  as  if  the  conqueror 
accomplished  nothing  that  was  permanent.  But 
the  achievements  of  genius  cannot  be  measured 
in  such  terms  only:  the  great  movement  that 
culminated  in  the  subjection  of  Britain  was  of 
vast  importance  for  the  North ;  it  opened  up  new 
fields  for  Western  influences ;  it  brought  the  North 
into  touch  with  Christian  culture;  it  rebuilt 
Scandinavian  civilisation.  These  are  the  more 
endtuing  results  of  the  reign  and  the  preceding 
expeditions  to  the  West.  At  the  same  time, 
Canute's  reign  minimised  the  influence  that  was 
working  northward  from  the  German  outposts. 
The  connection  with  England  was  soon  in- 
terrupted; but  while  it  endured  the  leavening 
process    made    rapid  spread  and    the   Northern 


1035]  The  Last  Years  329 

countries  were  enabled  to  absorb  into  their  cul- 
ture much  that  has  remained  a  native  possession. 

To  England  Canute  brought  the  blessings  of 
good  government.  For  nearly  twenty  years 
England  had  peace.  Troubles  there  were  on  the 
Scotch  and  Welsh  borders;  but  these  were  of 
slight  importance  compared  with  the  earlier 
ravages  of  the  vikings.  It  is  true,  indeed,  that  the 
Danish  conquest  paved  the  way  for  the  later 
invasion  by  the  Normans;  but  this  was  a  result 
that  Canute  had  not  intended.  It  was  not  a  part 
of  his  plan  to  have  the  sons  of  his  consort  educated 
in  Normandy;  at  the  same  time,  he  was  not  in 
position  to  take  such  steps  in  their  case  as  he  may 
have  wished,  for  they  were  the  sons  of  his  own 
Queen. 

In  his  early  years  Canute  was  a  viking;  when  he 
died  the  viking  age  had  practically  come  to  its 
close.  Various  influences  contributed  to  this  re- 
stdt:  the  new  creed  with  its  new  conceptions  of 
human  duty;  new  interests  and  wider  fields  of 
ambition  in  the  home  lands;  and  the  imperial 
position  of  Canute.  We  do  not  know  that  Canute 
at  any  time  issued  any  decree  against  the  practice 
of  piracy;  but  he  gained  the  same  end  by  indirect 
means.  The  viking  chiefs  evidently  entered  his 
service  in  large  numbers  either  in  the  English 
guard  or  in  the  government  of  the  eastern  domains. 
Furthermore,  as  the  dominant  ruler  of  the  north- 
em  shores,  as  the  ally  of  the  Emperor  and  the 
friend  of  the  Norman  duke,  he  was  able  to  close 


330 


Canute  the  Great 


[1031-10351 


fairly  effectually  the  Baltic,  the  North,  and  the 
Irish  Seas  together  with  the  English  Channel 
to  viking  fleets;  and  the  raven  was  thus  forced 
to  fly  for  its  prey  to  the  distant  shores  beyond 
Brittany.  Piracy  continued  in  a  desultory  way 
throughout  the  eleventh  century;  but  it  showed 
little  vigour  after  Canute's  accession  to  the  Danish 
kingship.^ 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE  COLLAPSE  OF  THE  EMPIRE 
IO35-IO42 

KING  CANUTE  was  dead,  but  the  great  king- 
thought  that  he  lived  for,  the  policy  of  his 
dynasty,  their  ambition  to  unite  the  Northern 
peoples  in  the  old  and  new  homes  imder  one 
sceptre  persisted  after  his  death.  Historians 
have  generally  believed  that  Canute  had  realised 
the  impossibility  of  keeping  long  united  the  three 
crowns  that  he  wore  in  his  declining  years,  and  had 
made  preparation  for  a  division  of  the  empire 
among  his  three  sons.  In  the  year  of  his  death 
one  son  is  found  in  England,  one  in  Denmark,  and 
one  in  Norway;  hence  it  is  believed  that  like 
Charlemagne  before  him  he  had  executed  some  sort 
of  a  partition,  so  as  to  secure  something  for  each 
of  the  three.  Such  a  conclusion,  however,  lacks 
the  support  of  documentary  authority  and  is 
based  on  a  mistaken  view  of  the  situation  in  the 
empire  in  1035. 

We  should  remember  in  the  first  place  that  when 
Harthacanute  and  Sweyn  received  the  royal  title 

331 


332  Canute  the  Great  [1035- 

(in  1028  and  1030),  Canute  cannot  have  been 
more  than  thirty-five  years  old,  and  at  that  age 
rulers  are  not  in  the  habit  of  transferring  their 
dominions  to  mere  boys.  In  the  second  place, 
these  two  sons  were  sent  to  the  North,  not  to 
exercise  an  independent  sovereignty,  but  to  repre- 
sent the  royal  authority  that  resided  at  Winchester. 
Finally,  there  is  no  evidence  that  Canute  at  any 
time  intended  to  leave  England  or  any  other 
kingdom  to  his  son  Harold.  The  probabilities 
are  that  he  hoped  to  make  the  empire  a  permanent 
creation ;  perhaps  he  expected  it  to  become  in  time 
wholly  Scandinavian,  as  it  already  was  to  a  large 
extent,  except  in  the  comparatively  small  area  of 
Wessex. 

Canute's  policy  is  revealed  in  the  act  at  Nidaros, 
discussed  in  an  earlier  chapter,  when  in  the  pre- 
sence of  lords  from  all  his  realms,  he  led  Hartha- 
canute  to  the  high  seat  and  thus  proclaimed  him  a 
king  of  his  own  rank.  That  Denmark  was  in- 
tended for  the  young  King  is  undisputed.  Eng- 
land was  to  be  added  later.  The  Encomiast  tells 
us  that  when  Harthacanute  had  grown  up  (evi- 
dently toward  the  close  of  Canute's  reign)  all 
England  was  boimd  by  oath  to  the  sovereignty  of 
Harthacanute.^  The  early  promise  that  Canute 
made  to  Queen  Emma  was  apparently  to  be  kept. 
Most  likely,  the  loyalty  that  Godwin  and  other 
West  Saxon  magnates  showed  to  the  King's 
legitimate  heir  is  to  be  explained,  not  by  assuming 

'  Encomium  EmmcB,  ii.,  c.  19. 


1042]         The  Collapse  of  the  Empire         333 

a  pro-Danish  sentiment,  but  by  this  oath,  surely 
taken  in  England,  perhaps  earlier  at  Nidaros. 

The  situation  in  Norway,  however,  made  it 
difficult  to  carry  out  Canute's  wishes.  On  the 
high  seat  in  the  Throndelaw  sat  Magnus  the  son 
of  Saint  Olaf.  To  be  the  son  of  a  saint  was  a 
great  asset  in  the  middle  ages ;  in  addition  Magnus 
had  certain  native  qualities  of  the  kingly  type  and 
soon  developed  into  a  great  warrior.  Knowing 
that  war  was  inevitable,  Magnus  began  hostilities 
and  carried  the  warfare  into  Danish  waters.^ 
It  was  this  difficulty  that  prevented  Harthacanute 
from  appearing  promptly  in  England  in  the  winter 
of  1 035-1 036,  when  Harold  Harefoot  was  planning 
to  seize  the  throne. 

After  the  flight  of  her  son  Sweyn  in  the  summer 
of  1035,  Elgiva  is  almost  lost  to  history.  Appar- 
ently she  retired  to  England,  where  she  played  the 
part  of  Queen-mother  during  the  reign  of  her  son 
Harold :  in  a  will  of  Bishop  Alfric  we  find  the  testa- 
tor giving  two  marks  of  gold  to  King  Harold  and 
one  mark  to  my  lady. "  As  we  do  not  find  that  the 
King  had  either  wife  or  children  the  presumption 
is  that  the  lady  was  his  mother,  the  woman  from 
Northampton. 

We  may  then  conjecture  that  the  struggle  for 
the  English  crown  in  the  winter  following  Canute's 
death  was  at  bottom  a  fight  between  the  two 
women  who  bore  Canute's  children,  eaxih  with  a 

'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Magnus  the  Good,  c.  6. 
•  Kemble,  Codex  Diplomaticus,  No.  759, 


334  Canute  the  Great  [1035- 

son  to  place  in  the  high  seat,  each  with  a  party- 
devoted  to  her  cause,  each  with  a  section  of  the 
country  ready  to  follow  her  lead.  Elgiva  had  her 
strength  in  the  Danelaw;  there  were  her  kinsmen, 
and  there  her  family  had  once  been  prominent. 
Queen  Emma  was  strongest  in  the  south;  on  her 
side  were  Earl  Godwin  and  the  housecarles.  ^ 

The  sources  that  relate  the  events  of  these 
months  are  anything  but  satisfactory  and  their 
statements  are  sometimes  vague  or  ambiguous. 
But  it  is  clear  that  soon  after  the  throne  became 
vacant  (thirteen  days,  if  the  Chronicler  is  accurate)  * 
a  meeting  of  the  "wise  men"  was  held  at  Oxford, 
the  border  city  where  Danes  and  Saxons  had  so 
frequently  met  in  common  assembly.  At  this 
meeting,  as  the  Chronicle  has  it,  the  northern 
magnates  led  by  Leofric,  Earl  of  Mercia,  and 
supported  by  the  Danes  in  London,  "chose 
Harold  to  hold  all  England,  him  and  his  brother 
Harthacanute  who  was  in  Denmark."  To  this 
arrangement  Godwin  opposed  all  his  influence  and 
eloquence;  but  though  he  was  supported  by  the 
lords  of  Wessex,  "he  was  able  to  accomplish 
nothing."  It  was  finally  agreed  that  Queen 
Emma  and  the  royal  guard  should  continue  to 
hold  Wessex  for  Harthacanute.  ^  The  north  was 
evidently  turned  over  to  Harold. 

^Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1035. 

» The  Chronicle  (Ann.  1039  [1040])  states  that  Harold  died 
March  17,  1040,  and  that  he  ruled  four  years  and  sixteen  weeks. 
This  would  date  his  accession  as  November  25,  1035. 

3  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1036  [1035]. 


10421         The  Collapse  of  the  Empire         335 

The  decision  reached  at  Oxford  has  been  vari- 
ously interpreted.  At  first  glance  it  looks  as  if  the 
kingdom  was  again  divided  along  the  line  of  the 
Thames  valley.  The  statement  of  the  Chronicler 
that  Harold  "was  full  King  over  all  England" 
seems  not  to  have  been  strictly  contemporary  but 
written  after  the  King  had  seized  the  whole. 
What  was  done  at  Oxford  was  probably  to  establish 
an  imder-kingship  of  the  sort  that  Canute  had 
provided  for  Norway  and  Denmark.  The  over- 
lordship  of  Harthacanute  may  have  been  recog- 
nised, but  the  administration  was  divided.  This 
did  not  necessarily  mean  to  the  Scandinavian  mind 
that  the  realm  was  divided;  in  the  history  of  the 
North  various  forms  of  joint  kingship  are  quite 
common. 

For  one  year  this  arrangement  was  permitted 
to  stand;  but  in  1037,  Harold  was  taken  to  king 
over  all  England — the  nation  forsook  Hartha- 
canute because  he  tarried  too  long  in  Denmark.* 
Emma  was  driven  from  the  land,  perhaps  to 
satisfy  the  jealousy  of  her  rival  Elgiva.  The  cause 
for  the  revolution  of  1037  is  unknown ;  but  we  may 
conjecture  that  intrigue  was  at  work  on  both 
sides.  Possibly  the  appearance  of  Emma's  son 
Alfred  in  England  the  year  before  may  have  roused 
a  sense  of  fear  in  the  English  mind  and  may  have 
hastened  the  movement. 

Sorrows  now  began  to  fall  heavily  upon  England. 
In  1039,  the  Welsh  made  inroads  and  slew  several 

*  An j^- Saxon  Chronicle,  1037. 


336  Canute  the  Great  [1035- 

of  the  Mercian  lords.  A  "great  wind"  scattered 
destruction  over  the  land.  A  remarkable  mor- 
tality appeared  among  the  bishops,  four  dying  in 
1038  and  one  more  in  1039.  The  following  year 
died  Harold,  whose  imkingly  and  un-Christian 
behavioiir  was  no  doubt  regarded  as  the  cause  of 
these  calamities.  He  died  at  Oxford  and  was 
buried  at  Westminster.  The  same  year  Hartha- 
canute  joined  his  mother  at  Bruges,  whither  she 
had  fled  when  exiled  from  England.  ^ 

It  was  neither  listless  choice  nor  lack  of  kinglike 
interest  that  had  detained  Harthacanute  in  Den- 
mark; it  was  the  danger  that  threatened  from 
Norway.  Hostilities  seem  to  have  begun  in  the 
spring  of  1036  and  to  have  continued  for  about 
two  years.  The  war  was  finally  closed  with  an 
agreement  at  the  Brenn-isles  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Gaut  River  in  south-western  Sweden.  Accord- 
ing to  this  the  two  young  kings  became  sworn 
brothers,  and  it  was  stipulated  that  if  the  one 
should  die  leaving  no  heirs,  the  other  should 
succeed  him.  *  It  was  not  so  much  of  a  treaty  on 
the  part  of  the  kings  as  of  the  chief  men  of  the 
kingdoms,  as  both  peoples  were  evidently  tiring 
of  the  warfare. 

Perhaps  that  which  most  of  all  determined  the 
Danes  to  seek  peace  was  the  news  that  Harold 
had  seized  the  government  of  all  England  the 
previous  year.     This  must  have  happened  late 

■  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1039  [1040]. 
'  Snorre,  Saga  of  Magnus  the  Good,  c.  6. 


1042]         The  Collapse  of  the  Empire         337 

in  the  year,  as  the  Chronicler  tells  us  that  Queen 
Emma  was  driven  out  of  England  "without  pity 
toward  the  stormy  winter."  In  Norway  there 
was  no  party  that  still  favoured  the  Knytlings; 
the  situation  in  England  looked  more  favourable. 
Evidently  Harthacanute's  counsellors  had  con- 
cluded that  his  inherited  rights  in  Britain  should 
be  claimed  and  defended. 

Harthacanute  came  to  Bruges  with  a  small 
force  only;  but  it  was  probably  the  plan  to  use 
Flanders  as  a  base  from  which  to  descend  upon 
England.  Nothing  seems  to  have  been  done  in 
1039,  however,  except,  perhaps,  to  prepare  for  a 
campaign  in  the  coming  spring.  But  for  this 
there  was  no  need:  before  the  winter  was  past, 
Harold  lay  dead  at  Oxford.  History  knows  Httle 
about  the  fleet-footed  Prince ;  but  from  what  has 
been  recorded  we  get  the  impression  of  a  violent, 
ambitious  youth,  one  to  whom  power  was  sweet 
and  revenge  sweeter.  So  far  as  we  know,  govern- 
ment in  his  day  was  poor  both  in  state  and  church. 
Oxford,  it  seems,  was  his  residential  city. 

After  Harold's  death  messengers  came  from 
England  to  Bruges  to  summon  Harthacanute. 
The  succession  was  evidently  not  settled  without 
some  negotiations,  for  Harthacanute  must  have 
waited  two  months  or  more  before  he  left  Flanders. 
No  doubt  the  chiefs  who  had  placed  his  half-brother 
on  the  throne  were  unwilHng  to  submit  without 
guarantees ;  their  behaviour  had  not  been  such  as 
to  render  their  futiu"e  secure.    Just  before  mid- 


338  Canute  the  Great  11035- 

summer  Harthacanute  finally  arrived  in  England 
with  sixty  ships;  he  was  crowned  probably  on 
June  1 8th. '  For  two  years  he  ruled  the  country 
but  "he  did  nothing  kinglike.  "^  Partly  as  a 
punishment,  perhaps,  he  made  England  pay 
for  the  expedition  that  he  had  just  fitted  out,  and 
consequently  forfeited  what  favour  he  had  at  the 
very  beginning. 

Harthacanute  is  described  as  a  sickly  youth,  and 
a  Norman  historian  assures  us  that  on  account  of 
his  ill-health  he  kept  God  before  his  mind  and 
reflected  much  on  the  brevity  of  human  life.^ 
He  seems  to  have  been  of  a  kindly  disposition,  as 
appears  from  his  dealings  with  his  half-brother 
Edward.  His  sudden  death  at  a  henchman's 
wedding  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  excesses  but 
to  the  ailment  from  which  he  suffered.  But  the 
drunken  laugh  of  the  bystanders'*  indicates  that 
the  world  did  not  fully  appreciate  that  with 
Harthacanute  perished  the  dynasty  of  Gorm. 

Three  men  now  stood  forth  as  possible  candi- 
dates for  the  throne  of  Alfred :  Magnus  the  Good, 
now  King  of  Denmark  and  Norway,  Harthaca- 
nute's  heir  by  oath  and  adoption ;  Sweyn,  the  son 
of  Canute's  sister  Estrid,  his  nearest  male  relative 
and  the  ranking  member  of  the  Danish  house,  a 
prince  who  was  probably  an  Englishman  by  birth, 

*  Steenstrup,  Normannerne,  iii.,  421. 
'Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1040. 

i  Duchesne,  Scriptores,  179  (William  of  Poitiers). 

*  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  1042. 


1042]         The  Collapse  of  the  Empire  339 

and  whose  aunt  was  the  wife  of  Earl  Godwin ;  and 
Edward,  later  known  as  the  Confessor,  who 
strangely  enough  represented  what  national  feeling 
there  might  be  in  England,  though  of  such  feel- 
ing he  himself  was  probably  guiltless.  It  may 
be  remarked  in  passing  that  all  these  candi- 
dates were  sons  of  men  whom  Canute  had  deeply 
wronged,  men  whom  he  had  deprived  of  life  or 
hounded  to  death. 

There  is  no  good  evidence  that  Edward  was  ever 
formally  elected  King  of  England.  Harthacanute 
died  at  Lambeth,  only  a  few  miles  from  London. 
"And  before  the  King  was  buried  all  the  folk 
chose  Edward  to  be  King  in  London,"  says  one 
manuscript  of  the  Chronicle.  If  this  be  true, 
there  could  have  been  no  regular  meeting  of  the 
magnates.  The  circumstances  seem  to  have  been 
somewhat  in  the  nature  of  a  revolution  headed  no 
doubt  by  the  anti- Danish  faction  in  London. 

That  Edward  was  enabled  to  retain  the  crown 
was  due  largely,  we  are  told,  to  the  efforts  of 
Canute's  two  old  friends,  Earl  Godwin  and  Bishop 
Lifing.  ^  The  situation  was  anything  but  simple. 
The  election  of  Magnus  would  restore  Canute's 
empire,  but  it  might  also  mean  English  and  Danish 
revolts.  To  elect  Sweyn  would  mean  war  with 
Magnus,  Sweyn  claiming  Denmark  and  Magnus 
England.  At  the  time  the  Danish  claimant  was 
making  most  trouble,  for  Sweyn  seems  to  have 
arrived  in  England  soon  after  Edward  was  pro- 

*  Florence  of  Worcester,  Chronicon,  i.,  196-197. 


340  Canute  the  Great  [i 035- 1042] 

claimed.  All  that  he  secured,  however,  was  the 
promise  that  he  should  be  regarded  as  Edward's 
successor.^  It  was  doubtless  well  known  among 
the  English  lords  that  the  new  King  was  inclined 
to,  and  probably  pledged  to  a  celibate  life.  We 
do  not  know  whether  Englishmen  were  at  this 
time  informed  of  the  ethelings  in  Hungary.  To 
most  men  it  must  have  seemed  likely  that  Alfred's 
line  would  expire  with  Edward;  under  the  cir- 
cumstances Sweyn  was  the  likeliest  heir. 

With  the  accession  of  Edward,  the  Empire  of 
the  North  was  definitely  dissolved.  Fundament- 
ally it  was  based  on  the  union  of  England  and 
Denmark,  a  union  that  was  now  repudiated.  Still, 
the  hope  of  restoring  it  lingered  for  nearly  half  a 
century.  Three  times  the  kings  of  the  North 
made  plans  to  reconquer  England,  but  in  each 
instance  circumstances  made  successful  operations 
impossible.  After  the  death  of  Magnus  in  1047, 
the  three  old  dynasties  once  more  controlled  their 
respective  kingdoms,  though  in  the  case  of  both 
Denmark  and  Norway  the  direct  lines  had  perished. 
The  Danish  high  seat  alone  remained  to  the  Knyt- 
lings,  now  represented  by  Sweyn,  the  son  of  Estrid 
and  the  violent  Ulf  for  whose  tragic  death  the 
nation  had  now  atoned. 

»  Adamus,  Gesta,  ii.,  c.  74. 


APPENDICES 
I. — Canute's  proclamation  of  1020' 

1.  Canute  the  King  sends  friendly  greetings  to  his 
archbishops  and  suffragan  bishops  and  to  Thurkil 
the  Earl  and  all  his  earls  and  to  all  his  subjects  in 
England,  nobles  and  freemen,  clerks  and  laymen. 

2.  And  I  make  known  to  you  that  I  will  be  a  kind 
lord  and  loyal  to  the  rights  of  the  Church  and  to  right 
secular  law. 

3.  I  have  taken  to  heart  the  word  and  the  writing 
that  Archbishop  Lifing  brought  from  Rome  from  the 
Pope,  that  I  should  everywhere  extol  the  praise  of 
God,  put  away  injustice,  and  promote  full  security  and 
peace  by  the  strength  that  God  should  give  me. 

4.  Now  I  did  not  spare  my  treasures  while  un- 
peace  was  threatening  to  come  upon  you;  with  the 
help  of  God  I  have  warded  this  off  by  the  use  of  my 
treasures. 

5.  Then  I  was  informed  that  there  threatened  us  a 
danger  that  was  greater  than  was  well  pleasing  to  us ; 
and  then  I  myself  with  the  men  who  went  with  me 
departed  for  Denmark,  whence  came  to  you  the 
greatest  danger;  and  that  I  have  with  God's  help 
forestalled,  so  that  henceforth  no  unpeace  shall  come 

'  Liebermann,  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  i.,  273-275.  For  an 
earlier  translation  see  Stubbs,  Select  Charters,  75-76. 

341. 


342  Canute  the  Great 

to  you  from  that  coiintry,  so  long  as  you  stand  by  me 
as  the  law  commands,  and  my  life  lasts. 

6.  Now  I  give  thanks  to  God  Almighty  for  His 
aid  and  His  mercy  in  that  I  have  averted  the  great 
evil  that  threatened  us;  so  that  from  thence  we  need 
fear  no  evil,  but  may  hope  for  full  aid  and  deliverance 
if  need  be. 

7.  Now  I  will  that  we  all  humbly  thank  Almighty 
God  for  the  mercy  that  He  has  done  to  our  help. 

8.  Now  I  command  my  archbishops  and  all  my 
suffragan  bishops  that  they  take  due  care  as  to  the 
rights  of  the  Church,  each  one  in  the  district  that  is 
committed  to  him ;  and  also  my  ealdormen  I  command, 
that  they  help  the  bishops  to  the  rights  of  the  Church 
and  to  the  rights  of  my  kingship  and  to  the  behoof  of 
all  the  people. 

9.  Should  any  one  prove  so  rash,  clerk  or  layman, 
Dane  or  Angle,  as  to  violate  the  laws  of  the  Church 
or  the  rights  of  my  kingship,  or  any  secular  statute, 
and  refuse  to  do  penance  according  to  the  instruction 
of  my  bishops,  or  to  desist  from  his  evil,  then  I  re- 
quest Thurkil  the  Earl,  yea,  even  command  him,  to 
bend  the  offender  to  right,  if  he  is  able  to  do  so. 

ID.  If  he  is  not  able,  then  will  I  that  he  with  the 
strength  of  us  both  destroy  him  in  the  land  or  drive 
him  out  of  the  land,  be  he  of  high  rank  or  low. 

11.  And  I  also  command  my  reeves,  by  my  friend- 
ship and  by  all  that  they  own  and  by  their  own  lives, 
that  they  everywhere  govern  my  people  justly  and 
give  right  judgments  by  the  witness  of  the  shire  bishop 
and  do  such  mercy  therein  as  the  shire  bishop  thinks 
right  and  the  community  can  allow. 

12.  And  if  any  one  harbour  a  thief  or  hinder  the 


Canute^ s  Proclamation  of  1020        343 

pursuit,  he  shall  be  liable  to  punishment  equal  to  that 
of  the  thief,  unless  he  shall  clear  himself  before  me  with 
full  purgation. 

13.  And  I  will  that  all  the  people,  clerks  and  lay- 
men, hold  fast  the  laws  of  Edgar  which  all  men  have 
chosen  and  sworn  to  at  Oxford; 

14.  for  all  the  bishops  say  that  the  Church  demands 
a  deep  atonement  for  the  breaking  of  oaths  and 
pledges. 

15.  And  they  ftu-ther  teach  us  that  we  should  with 
all  our  might  and  strength  fervently  seek,  love,  and 
worship  the  eternal  merciful  God  and  shun  all  un- 
righteousness, that  is,  slaying  of  kinsmen  and  murder, 
perjury,  familiarity  with  witches  and  sorceresses,  and 
adultery  and  incest. 

16.  And  further,  we  command  in  the  name  of 
Almighty  God  and  of  all  His  saints,  that  no  man  be  so 
bold  as  to  marry  a  nun  or  a  consecrated  woman ; 

17.  and  if  any  one  has  done  so,  let  him  be  an  out- 
law before  God  and  excommunicated  from  all  Christ- 
endom, and  let  him  forfeit  all  his  possessions  to  the 
King,  unless  he  quickly  desist  from  sin  and  do  deep 
penance  before  God. 

18.  And  fmther  still  we  admonish  all  men  to  keep 
the  Sunday  festival  with  all  their  might  and  observe 
it  from  Saturday's  noon  to  Monday's  dawning;  and 
let  no  man  be  so  bold  as  to  buy  or  sell  or  to  seek  any 
court  on  that  holy  day. 

19.  And  let  all  men,  poor  and  rich,  seek  their 
church  and  ask  forgiveness  for  their  sins  and  earnestly 
keep  every  ordained  fast  and  gladly  honour  the  saints, 
as  the  mass  priest  shall  bid  us, 

20.  that  we  may  all  be  able  and  permitted,  through 


344  Canute  the  Great 

the  mercy  of  the  everlasting  God  and  the  intercession 
of  His  saints,  to  share  the  joys  of  the  heavenly  kingdom 
and  dwell  with  Him  who  liveth  and  reigneth  for  ever 
without  end.     Amen. 

II. — Canute's  charter  of  1027* 

Canute,  King  of  all  England  and  Denmark  and  of 
the  Norwegians  and  of  part  of  the  Slavic  peoples,* 
to  Ethelnoth  the  Metropolitan  and  Alfric  of  York, 
and  to  all  bishops  and  primates,  and  to  the  whole 
nation  of  the  English,  both  nobles  and  freemen,  wishes 
health. 

I  make  known  to  you  that  I  have  lately  been  to 
Rome,  to  pray  for  the  redemption  of  my  sins,  and  for 
the  prosperity  of  the  kingdoms  and  peoples  subject 
to  my  rule.  This  journey  I  had  long  ago  vowed  to 
God,  though,  through  affairs  of  state  and  other  impedi- 
ments, I  had  hitherto  been  unable  to  perform  it;  but 
now  I  humbly  return  thanks  to  God  Almighty  for 
having  in  my  life  granted  to  me  to  yearn  after  the 
blessed  apostles,  Peter  and  Paul,  and  every  sacred 
place  within  and  without  the  city  of  Rome,  which  I 
could  learn  of,  and  according  to  my  desire,  personally 
to  venerate  and  adore.  And  this  I  have  executed 
chiefly  because  I  had  learned  from  wise  men  that  the 
holy  apostle  Peter  had  received  from  the  Lord  the 
great  power  of  binding  and  loosing,  and  was  key- 
bearer  of   the  celestial   kingdom;   and  I,  therefore, 

'  This  translation  (with  slight  changes)  is  that  of  Benjamin 
Thorpe:  Lappenberg,  History  of  England,  ii.,  212-215. 

'  The  original  has  Swedes;  but  see  above  p.  152.  The  state- 
ment that  Canute  was  Kjng  of  the  Norwegians  is  doubtless  an 
addition  by  the  chronicler ;  Norway  was  not  conquered  before  1028. 


Canute's  Charter  of  1027  345 

deemed  it  extremely  useful  to  desire  his  patronage 
before  God. 

Be  it  now  known  to  you,  that  there  was  a  great 
assembly  of  nobles  at  the  Easter  celebration,  with  the 
Lord  Pope  John,  and  the  Emperor  Conrad,  to  wit, 
all  the  princes  of  the  nations  from  Moimt  Gargano 
to  the  nearest  sea,  who  all  received  me  honourably, 
and  honoured  me  with  magnificent  presents.  But  I 
have  been  chiefly  honoured  by  the  Emperor  with 
divers  costly  gifts,  as  well  in  golden  and  silver  vessels 
as  in  mantles  and  vestments  exceedingly  precious. 

I  have  therefore  spoken  with  the  Emperor  and  the 
Lord  Pope,  and  the  princes  who  were  there,  concerning 
the  wants  of  all  my  people,  both  Angles  and  Danes, 
that  a  more  equitable  law  and  greater  security  might 
be  granted  to  them  in  their  journeys  to  Rome,  and 
that  they  might  not  be  hindered  by  so  many  barriers, 
nor  harassed  by  tmjust  tolls;  and  the  Emperor  and 
King  Rudolf,  who  has  the  greater  number  of  those 
barriers  in  his  dominions,  have  agreed  to  my  demands ; 
and  all  the  princes  have  engaged  by  their  edict,  that 
my  men,  whether  merchants  or  other  travellers  for 
objects  of  devotion,  should  go  and  rettim  in  security 
and  peace,  without  any  constraint  of  barriers  or  tolls. 

I  then  complained  to  the  Lord  Pope,  and  said  that  it 
greatly  displeased  me,  that  from  my  archbishops  such 
immense  sums  of  money  were  exacted,  when,  according 
to  usage,  they  visited  the  apostolic  see  to  receive  the 
pall ;  and  it  was  agreed  that  such  exactions  should  not 
thenceforth  be  made.  And  all  that  I  have  demanded 
for  the  benefit  of  my  people  from  the  Lord  Pope,  from 
the  Emperor,  from  King  Rudolf,  and  from  the  other 
princes,  through  whose  territories  our  way  lies  to 


346  Canute  the  Great 

Rome,  they  have  freely  granted,  and  also  confirmed 
their  cessions  by  oath,  with  the  witness  of  four  arch- 
bishops and  twenty  bishops,  and  an  innumerable 
multitude  of  dukes  and  nobles,  who  were  present. 

I  therefore  render  great  thanks  to  God  Almighty 
that  I  have  successfully  accompHshed  all  that  I  de- 
sired, as  I  had  proposed  in  my  mind,  and  satisfied 
to  the  utmost  the  wishes  of  my  people.  Now  then, 
be  it  known  to  you,  that  I  have  vowed,  as  a  suppliant, 
from  henceforth  to  justify  in  all  things  my  whole  life 
to  God,  and  to  rule  the  kingdoms  and  peoples  subjected 
to  me  justly  and  piously,  to  maintain  equal  justice 
among  all;  and  if,  through  the  intemperance  of  my 
youth,  or  through  negUgence,  I  have  done  aught 
hitherto  contrary  to  what  is  just,  I  intend  with  the 
aid  of  God  to  amend  all. 

I  therefore  conjure  and  enjoin  my  counsellors,  to 
whom  I  have  intrusted  the  counsels  of  the  kingdom, 
that  from  henceforth  they  in  no  wise,  neither  through 
fear  of  me  nor  favour  to  any  powerful  person,  consent 
to,  or  suffer  to  increase  any  injustice  in  my  whole 
kingdom;  I  enjoin  also  all  sheriffs  and  reeves  of  my 
entire  kingdom,  as  they  would  enjoy  my  friendship 
or  their  own  security,  that  they  use  no  unjust  violence 
to  any  man,  either  rich  or  poor,  but  that  every  one, 
both  noble  and  freeman,  enjoy  just  law,  from  which 
let  them  in  no  way  swerve,  neither  for  equal  favour,  nor 
for  any  powerful  person,  nor  for  the  sake  of  collecting 
money  for  me,  for  I  have  no  need  that  money  should 
be  collected  for  me  by  iniquitous  exactions. 

I,  therefore,  wish  it  to  be  made  known  to  you,  that, 
returning  by  the  same  way  that  I  departed,  I  am  go- 
ing to  Denmark,  for  the  purpose  of  settling,  with  the 


Canute's  Charter  of  1027  347 

counsel  of  all  the  Danes,  firm  and  lasting  peace  with 
those  nations,  which,  had  it  been  in  their  power,  would 
have  deprived  us  of  our  life  and  kingdoms;  but  were 
unable,  God  having  deprived  them  of  strength,  who 
in  His  loving-kindness  preserves  us  in  oxir  kingdoms 
and  honour,  and  renders  naught  the  power  of  our 
enemies.  Having  made  peace  with  the  nations  round 
us,  and  regulated  and  tranquillised  all  our  kingdom 
here  in  the  East,  so  that  on  no  side  we  may  have  to 
fear  war  or  enmities,  I  propose  this  summer,  as  soon 
as  I  can  have  a  number  of  ships  ready,  to  proceed 
to  England;  but  I  have  sent  this  letter  beforehand, 
that  all  the  people  of  my  kingdom  may  rejoice  at  my 
prosperity ;  for,  as  you  yourselves  know,  I  have  never 
shrunk  from  labouring,  nor  will  I  shrink  therefrom, 
for  the  necessary  benefit  of  all  my  people. 

I  therefore  conjure  all  my  bishops  and  ealdormen, 
by  the  fealty  which  they  owe  to  me  and  to  God,  so  to 
order  that,  before  I  come  to  England,  the  debts  of  all, 
which  we  owe  according  to  the  old  law,  be  paid;  to 
wit,  plough-alms,  and  a  tithe  of  animals  brought  forth 
during  the  year,  and  the  pence  which  ye  owe  to  Saint 
Peter  at  Rome,  both  from  the  cities  and  villages; 
and  in  the  middle  of  August,  a  tithe  of  fruits,  and  at 
the  feast  of  Saint  Martin,  the  first-fruits  of  things 
sown,  to  the  church  of  the  parish,  in  which  each  one 
dwells,  which  is  in  English  called  church-scot.  If, 
when  I  come,  these  and  others  are  not  paid,  he  who  is 
in  fault  shall  be  punished  by  the  royal  power  severely 
and  without  any  remission.     Farewell. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

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354  Canute  the  Great 

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INDEX 


Abingdon,  monastery  of,  176, 

193.  313 

Adam  of  Bremen  cited,  14, 
35  n.,  154,  161,  185,193,194, 
272,  273,  325  et  passim 

Ad6mar  de  Chabannes  cited, 
165  n.,  264,  265 

Agdir,  district  in  southern 
Norway,  238 

Alain,  Duke  of  Brittany,  254 

Aldgyth,  wife  of  Edmund  Iron- 
side, 71,  125 

Alfiva,  316-318;  see  Elgiva 

Alfred,  King  of  England,  23, 
24.  45.  79,  85,  105,  126,  158, 
181,  338-340 

Alfred,  son  of  Ethelred,  53, 
127,  253-256,  335 

AJfric,  Archbishop  of  York, 
312,  344 

Alfnc,  Bishop,  333 

Alfric,  English  ealdorman,  95 

Alfric,  ealdorman,  and  naval 
commander,  27  n. 

Alfric,  old  English  author, 
291,  296 

Algar,  English  magnate,  88 

Ali,  housecarle,  135 

Almar  Darling,  English  mag- 
nate, 88 

Alphabet,  runic,  299,  300 

Alphege,  Archbishop,  29,  44, 
147,  172,  173.  176 

Alstad  Stone,  the,  302 

America,  discovery  of,  17  and 
n. 


Andover,  29 

Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  cited, 
27,29,  79,  80,  92  n.,  128,211, 
215,  220,  221,  232,  297,  310, 
334-339  et  passim 

Anglo-Saxon  kingdom,  16,  21- 
24,  58,  84,  85 

Anglo-Saxon  legal  system,  the, 
281 

Anglo-Saxon  literature,  296, 
297 

Anses,  the,  old  Northern  di- 
vinities, 163,  182,  183,  198, 

309 
Anund  Jacob,  King  of  Sweden, 

207,     208,     213,     216-220, 

225 
Aquitaine,  74,  264,  265,  298 
Ame,  Norwegian  magnate,  200, 

245 

Amgrim,  magnate  in  the  Dane- 
law, 70 

Amungs,  Norwegian  noble 
family,  199,  200,  245 

Art,  Celtic  and  Northern, 
301  ff. 

Asbjom,  Norwegian  warrior, 
199,  200 

Ashington,  battle  of,  89,  93- 
96,  99-101,  109,  115,  117, 
294;  dedication  at,  iii,  169, 
296 

Asia  Minor,  266 

Aslak  Erlingsson,  Norwegian 
chieftain,  207 

Attila,  293 

Avon  River,  191 

Aylesford,  92 


357 


358 


Index 


B 


Bamberg,  320 

Bark-isle,  200 

Barwick,  Swedish  harbour,  218 

Benedict,  Pope,  270 

Beowulf,  36,  292 

Bergen,  17 

Bergljot,  sister  of  Earl  Erik,  69 

Bernhard,  Bishop  in  Norway, 

193 

Bernhard,  Bishop  in  Scania, 
190 

Bemicia,  old  English  king- 
dom, 140 

Bersi,  Norse  traveller,  304 

Bessin,  the,  district  in  Nor- 
mandy, 19  n. 

Birca,  old  Swedish  town,  286 

Bison,  the,  St.  Olaf's  longship, 
213 

Bjarkamdl,  old  Norse  poem, 
292 

Bjame,  scald,  247 

Bjor,  warrior,  237 

Bjom,  King  Olaf's  spokesman, 

304 
Bleking,    district    in    modem 

Sweden,  218 
Bohemia,  153 
Boleslav,  Duke  and  King  of 

Poland,  31,  126,  160,  268 
Books,  old  English,  296,  297 
Brage,  old  Norse  divinity,  187 
Bremen,  55,  160,  190,  271-273, 

325 

Brenn-isles,  the,  agreement  of, 

336 

Brentford,  skirmish  at,  90,  loi 

Bristol,  287 

British  Isles,  the,  Scandinavi- 
ans in,  16,  17;  commerce  of , 
287;  inscriptions  in,  301 

Brittany,  62,  254,  330 

Bruges,  336,  337 

Brunhild,  saga  heroine,  293 

Buckinghamshire,  79 

Bugge,  Alexander,  Norse  his- 
torian, cited,  17  n.,  18  n., 
33  n.,  195 


Bugge,  Sophus,  Norse  philolo- 
gist, cited,  183  n. 

Burgundy,  227,  228,  264 

Burhwold,  Bishop,  176 

Byrhtnoth,  ealdorman  of  Es- 
sex, 26  n.,  296 

Byzantium,  22,  149 

C 

Caithness,  18 

Canonisation,  of  St.  Dunstan, 
3i2;of  St.  Olaf,  312,  315  fiF. 

Canterbury,  city  and  see  of, 
27,  44,  165,  166,  172,  174, 
176,  190,  194,  211,  272; 
siege  of,  44 

Canute  the  Great,  King  of 
England,  Denmark,  and  Nor- 
way: inheritance  of,  2,  3; 
ancestry  of,  4,  15,  56,  262, 
327;  fostered  by  Thurkil  the 
Tall,  32,  76,  116,  117,  241; 
joins  in  King  Sweyn's  attack 
on  England,  46,  49;  in  charge 
of  the  camp  at  Garris- 
borough,  50;  succeeds  to  the 
English  pretensions  of 
Sweyn,  54,  58,  60,  61;  is 
driven  out  of  England,  63, 
64;  renews  the  attack,  16, 
22,  66,  68,  72  flf.,  304; 
methods  of  warfare  of,  76; 
marches  into  northern  Eng- 
land, 78  ff.,  85;  is  recognised 
as  king  in  the  south,  86;  lays 
siege  to  London,  86  ff.,  pil- 
lages Mercia  and  East  Ang- 
lia,  91,  93;  wins  the  victory 
at  Ashington,  94;  treats  with 
Edmund  Ironside,  96-99; 
is  recognised  as  king  of  all 
England,  104  ff.,  116,  296, 
327;  difficulties  of,  in  1016 
and  1017,  92,  93,  107,  108; 
early  English  policy  of,  108; 
chief  counsellors  of,  no  ff., 
120  ff.,  150,  151;  royal  resi- 
dence of,  112,  261;  rewards 
his  Scandinavian  followers, 
1 13  ff. ;  re-organises  the  Eng- 


Index 


359 


Canute  the  Great — Continued 
lish  earldoms,  114  flf.,  136; 
attempts  to  establish  a  new 
aristocracy  in  England,  121, 
122;  shows  his  preference 
for  Northmen  and  distrust 
of  the  Saxons,  122  flf.,  146, 
151;  executes  rebellious 
nobles,  122-125,  327;  sends 
Edmund's  sons  to  Poland, 
125,  126,  327;  marries  Queen 
Emma,  38,  127-129,  332; 
organises  his  guard  of  house- 
carles,  130-135;  suppresses 
piracy  on  the  English  shores, 
1 35 1  136;  develope  new 
policy  of  reconciliation,  137 
flf.;  becomes  king  of  Den- 
mark, 138  S.,  267;  issues 
Proclamation  of  1020,  no, 
III,  142-146,  168,  341- 
344 ;  has  difficulties  with  Scot- 
land, 139-142,  329;  agrees 
to  the  cession  of  Lothian, 
141;  journeys  to  Denmark 
of,  142  flf.,  167,  168,  175,  207, 
214  flf,,  229,  243;  exiles 
Thurkil  the  Tall,  117,  118, 
146,  147;  extent  of  empire 
of,  152,  205,  206,  233,  234, 
258,  259,  344;  makes  an  ex- 
pedition to  Wendland,  157 
flf.,  202,  203,  211,  267;  Slavic 
possessions  of,  158,  258,  260; 
enters  into  alliance  with  the 
Emperor,  160,  161,  267,  268, 
273,  310,  320,  324;  acquires 
the  Mark  of  Sleswick,  160, 
161,  268,  269;  ecclesiastical 
policy  of,  162  ff.,  274  flf.,  311, 
312,  326;  legislation  of,  164, 
274  flf.,  311,  312,  342,  343; 
baptism  of,  164,  165,  324; 
benefactions  of,  168  flf.,  174 
flf.,  226  flf.,  312,  313,  321, 
325;  consecrates  church  at 
Ashington,  169;  rebuilds  the 
shrine  of  St.  Edmund's,  169, 
170;  honours  the  English 
saints,   171   fif.,  312;  trans- 


lates the  relics  of  St.  Alph- 
ege,  172,  173;  provides  bish- 
ops for  the  Danish  church, 
190,  191,  195;  enters  into 
relations  with  the  see  of 
Hamburg-Bremen,  191,  271 
flf.;  plans  to  seize  Norway, 
103,  194,  203;  conspires  with 
the  Norwegian  rebels,  202, 
203,  207,  225,  249;  sends  an 
embassy  to  King  Olaf,  203 
flf.,  254;  Scotch  possessions 
of,  205,  206;  diplomacy  of, 
206  flf.,  219,  220,  256,  264  flf.; 
sends  an  embassy  to  Sweden, 
208;  bribes  the  Norse  lead- 
ers, 209,  210,  234-236,304, 
326;  makes  war  on  Norway 
and  Sweden,  175,  214,  216 
flf.,  294;  trapped  at  Holy 
River,  217,  218;  orders  the 
murder  of  Ulf,  221-223; 
loves  dice  and  chess,  223; 
atones  for  the  murder,  223 
flf.;  makes  a  pilgrimage  to 
Rome,  210,  221,  224  flf.,  233, 
265,  269,  270,  294,  344; 
assists  at  the  imperial  coro- 
nation, 227,  269;  presents 
complaints  at  the  Lateran 
synod,  228,  229,  345,  346; 
Charter  of,  228-230,  344  flf. ; 
honoured  by  Pope  and  Em- 
peror, 229,  230,  345;  con- 
quers Norway,  231  flf.,  269, 
294;  receives  the  submission 
of  the  Scotch  king,  232-234; 
submission  of  the  Norsemen 
to,  238  flf.,  311;  chosen  king 
at  the  Ere-thing,  239,  240; 
holds  an  imperial  assembly 
at  Nidaros,  240-242;  an- 
nounces his  imperial  policy, 
240  flf.,  259-261,  331,  332; 
secures  the  allegiance  of  the 
Norse  chiefs,  242  flf. ;  returns 
to  Denmark  and  England, 
243,  244,  255;  gives  the 
leadership  in  Norway  to 
Kalf    Amesson,    246,    247; 


36o 


Index 


Canute  the  Great — Continued 
plans  to  depose  Earl  Hakon, 
247,  248;  relations  with  Nor- 
mandy, 253,  254,  265,  266; 
is  Emperor  of  the  North, 
255  fif.;  position  in  Europe 
of,  257;  vassal  states  of,  259; 
appoints  Harthacanute  his 
successor,  260;  court  and 
household  of,  261-263;  offi- 
cial appointments  of,  263, 264 
continental  relations  of,  264 
flf. ;  sends  embassies  to  Aqui- 
taine,  264,  265;  forms  an 
alliance  with  the  Church, 
269  ff.;  relations  of,  with 
papacy,  270,  324;  episcopal 
appointments  of,  270,  271, 
274,  312;  is  friendly  to  the 
archbishops  of  Hamburg- 
Bremen,  272-274;  is  hostile 
toward  heathen  practices, 
274-276;  provides  for  Chris- 
tian education,  275,  276; 
secular  laws  of,  276-278; 
reputation  of,  as  a  lawgiver, 
279,  280;  financial  legisla- 
tion of,  277,  278,  283;  Norse 
legislation  of,  280,  282-284; 
provides  coinage  for  Den- 
mark, 282;  patronises  scalds 
and  copyists,  293-298;  is 
interested  in  material  im- 
provements, 313,  314;  loses 
Norway  to  Magnus  Olafs- 
son,  260,  263,  310,  314,  315, 
319  ff.;  probable  plans  of 
(1035).  320;  last  illness  and 
death  of,  311,  320,  321,  331; 
children  of,  321;  personality 
of,  321-323;  character  of, 
324  ff.;  legends  about,  133, 
325;  English  (ecclesiastical) 
view  of,  325,  326;  Norse 
(scaldic)  view  of,  326-327; 
as  ruler  and  statesman,  327 
ff.;  plans  of,  for  the  future 
of  his  empire,  331  ff.;  other 
mention  of,  81,  100,  119,  120, 
181,  281,  282,  289,  292-294, 


302,  306,  319,  329,  339  et 
passim 

Canute's  Praise,  the,  109,  294 

Carham,  battle  of,  141, 151, 233 

Celts,  influence  of,  in  old 
Northern  culture,  291,  292, 
301,  307 

Chabannes,  Addmar  de,  see 
Addmar 

Charlemagne,  153,  331 

Charter,  Canute's,  152,  168, 
228  ff.,  344-347 

Chartres,  227 

Chess  games,  222,  223 

Chester,  25 

Christiania  Firth,  3,  287 

Christianity,  introduced  into 
Denmark,  7,  8;  introduced 
into  Norway,  29,  103;  pro- 
gress of,  in  the  Northi,  162, 
163,  180,  192,  198,  201,  271, 
308,  309;  Celtic,  185;  influ- 
ence of,  on  old  Northern 
poetry  and  art,  293,  302,  303 

Church,  English,  relations  of, 
with  Canute,  162,  165  ff., 
274  ff.;  Canute's  message  to, 
168,  224,  228  ff.,  344  ff.; 
legislation  for,  274  ff. 

Church  dues,  191, 192, 228, 230, 
270,  276,  347 

Cirencester,  144 

Cities,  Scandinavian,  286,  287 

Clontarf,  battle  of,  60,  61,  233, 

294 
Coinage,  278,  282 
Coins,    English    and    Danish, 

235.  236,  282,  323 
Coldstream,  141 
Cologne,  227,  298 
Commerce,  Scandinavian,  286 

ff. 
Conrad  II,  Emperor,  16,  227- 

230,  267-269,  273,  320,  345 
Consiliatio  Cnuti,  278 
Cork,  18 
Coronation,  imperial,  225,  227, 

228,  269 
Corvey,     Widukind     of,     see 

Widukind 


Index 


361 


Cotentin,  district  in  Nor- 
mandy, 19  n.,  254 

Court  at  Winchester,  261-263 

Court  poetry,  old  Norse,  293 
Cf. 

Coventry,  177 

Crediton,  167,  168,  229 

Cricklade,  78 

Cross,  the,  of  Winchester,  174, 

175 
Croyland,  abbey  of,  313 
Culture,  old  Northern,  285  ff., 

328 
Cynewulf,   old   English   poet, 

297 

D 

Danegeld,  27,  28,  38,  44,  45, 

62,  97,  98,  113,  150,  210 

Danelaw,  established  by  the 
vikings,  18,  19;  extent  of,  19, 
20,  69,  71;  importance  of, 
in  English  history,  21;  Scan- 
dinavian elements  in,  39,  59, 

114,  193,  264,  273,  280; 
spared  by  Sweyn  and  Ca- 
nute, 50,  83;  heathendom  in, 
275;  administrative  areas 
in,  281;  cities  in,  287;  sup- 
ports Elgiva,  334;  other 
mention  of,  102,  107 

Danes,  become  Christians,  7; 
interested  in  Wendland,  9, 
16,  152  ff.,  260;  as  colonisers, 
19  flF.,  2T,  39,  61,  84,  258; 
as  merchants,  21,  22;  as  vik- 
ings, 25,  26,  41,  43,  97;  kill 
St.  Alphege,  44,  172;  attack 
London,  51,  86;  proclaim 
Canute  king,  58,  59;  in  Eng- 
land, 70,  71,  92  fif.,  96,  III, 

115.  139.  146,  192,  262;  rule 
of,  in  England,  104  ff.;  pre- 
ferred by  Canute  for  impor- 
tant offices,  120  ff.,  146,  169, 
263,  280;  show  opposition  to 
Canute,  240;  in  Norway, 
252,  284;  other  mention  of, 
3,  5,  II,  13,  231,  311,  325, 
334.  336,  347  e/  passim 


Danework,  5,  7 

Deerhurst,  agreement  of,  97, 
99,  106;  monastery  of,  172 

Deira,  old  EngUsh  kingdom, 
128 

Denmark,  extent  of,  3, 4, 10-12, 
35,  160,  161,  268,  269;  impe- 
rial ambitions  of,  27,  28,  33; 
hegemony  of,  35,  36,  56; 
invasion  of  England  from, 
45  ff.;  Harold  king  of,  58, 
138;  return  of  Canute  and 
the  viking  chiefs  to,  64,  67, 
68,  72  ff.;  Canute  king  of, 
III,  138,  258,  267;  return  of 
the  host  to,  130,  141;  Ca- 
nute's journeys  to,  142  ff., 
158,  167,  175,  207,  214  ff., 
229,  231,  243;  importance  of 
union  of,  with  England,  144, 
145,  328,  329;  extended  to 
the  Eider,  160,  161,  268,  269; 
progress  of  Christianity  in, 
163,  190,  195,  271,  272; 
viceroys  of,  159,  211,  314; 
rebellion  in,  212,  214;  Harth- 
acanute  king  of,  242,  260, 
331.  334.  335;  expansion  of, 
into  Slavic  lands,  258,  267; 
institutional  development  of, 
282;  cities  in,  286,  287;  Mag- 
nus king  of,  338;  claimed  by 
Sweyn  Ulfsson,  339;  union 
of,  with  England  dissolved, 
340;  other  mention  of,  7,  48, 
98,  129,  130,  211,  226,  240, 
333.  341.  344;  see  Danes, 
Canute,  and  Scandinavia 

Derby,  20 

Devon,  26, 40,  52, 125, 166, 167 

Dol,  castle  of,  62 

Domesday  Book,  134 

Dorchester,  95 

Dorset,  75,  88,  321 

Dragon  ship,  see  Ships 

Drammen  Firth,  242 

Dublin,  18,  61,  233,259 

Duduc,  Bishop,  312 

Duna  River,  158 

Durham,  140,  141,  172,  177 


362 


Index 


E 

Eadric,  Mercian  Earl,  slays 
Sigeferth  and  Morcar,  70; 
Earl  of  Mercia,  71,  79,  115, 
118,  120,  122;  jealous  dispo- 
sition of,  72;  deserts  to  Ca- 
nute, yj,  78;  in  the  battle  of 
Sherstone,  88,  89;  makes 
peace  with  Edmund,  89,  91 ; 
quarrels  with  Edmund,  92; 
plays  the  traitor  at  Ashing- 
ton,  94,  96,  100;  suspected 
of  causing  Edmund's  death, 
100;  position  of,  in  Canute's 
councils,  1 10;  Ethelred's  son- 
in-law,  115,  117;  executed, 
118,  122-124 

Eadulf  Cudel,  Northumbrian 
Earl,  120,  140,  141 

Eagmargach,  see  Jehmarc 

Eanham,  assembly  of,  42 

Earl,  office  of,  1 14 

Earldoms  in  England,  114,  115 

East  Anglia,  24,  27,  41,  43,  45, 
66,  67,97,  104,  115.  138 

Eddie  poems,  183 

Edgar,  King  of  England,  23, 
84,  139,  164,  171,  343 

Edith,  wife  of  Thurkil,  117, 
118,  146 

Edmund  Ironside,  English 
King,  marries  Aldgyth,  71; 
assumes  leadership  in  the 
Danelaw,  72,  ^^,  78;  har- 
ries the  western  shires,  79; 
with  the  army  in  London, 
83;  is  chosen  king,  86,  104; 
raises  the  south-west,  87-88; 
fights  at  Penselwood,  Sher- 
stone, and  Brentford,  87,  90; 
raises  Wessex,  90;  attacks 
the  Danes  at  Otford,  91,  92; 
quarrels  with  Eadric,  92; 
defeated  at  Ashington,  93- 
95;  retires  to  the  Severn 
Valley,  96;  makes  terms  and 
enters  into  fraternal  rela- 
tions with  Canute,  97,  98; 
death    of,    99,     100,     125; 


career  and  character  of,  100- 
102;  sons  of,  io6,  125,  126; 
buried  at  Glastonbury,  174 

Edmund,  son  of  Edmund  Iron- 
side, 125 

Edward,  son  of  Edmund  Iron- 
side, 125 

Edward,  son  of  Ethelred,  53, 
59,  60,  127,  193,  253-256, 
338-340 

Edwy,  son  of  Ethelred,  125 

Eglaf ,  see  Eilif 

Eider  River,  6,  160,  268 

Eikunda-sound,  235,  236,  238, 

239 

EiHf,  viking  chief  and  Earl  in 
England,  43,  67, 68, 102, 118, 
119,  121,  136,  149,  215,  220 

Einar  Thongshaker,  Norse 
magnate,  guardian  of  Earl 
Hakon,  69;  defeated  at  the 
Nesses,  80,  81,  201;  in  oppo- 
sition to  King  Olaf,  201,  202, 
213;  accepts  the  rule  of 
Canute,  242 ;  disappointed 
in  his  ambitions,  246,  249, 
250;  leads  in  the  revolt  of  the 
Norsemen,  315-317,  319 

Eindrid,  son  of  Einar,  242 

Elbe  River,  153 

Elf  helm,  ealdorman,  128 

Elfward,  Abbot,  Canute's  cou- 
sin, 175 

Elf  wine.  Bishop,  170 

Elfwine,  king's  priest  and 
Bishop,  312 

Elgiva,  Canute's  mistress,  128, 
322;  at  Jomburg,  159;  in 
Norway,  260,  283,  314; 
opposes  the  canonisation  of 
St.  Olaf,  316,  317;  unpopular 
in  Norway,  318,  319;  with- 
draws to  England,  320,  322 ; 
later  activities  of,  333-335 

Elmham,  170 

Ely,  monastery  of,  170,  325 

Emma,  Queen  of  England, 
marries  Ethelred,  38,  124, 
126,  retires  to  Normandy, 
53 ;  marries  Canute,  38,  127- 


Index 


363 


Emma,  Queen — Continued 
130,  146,  332;  character  of, 
128,  322;  makes  a  gift  to  St. 
Edmund's,  170;  assists  at  the 
translation  of  St.  Alphege, 
173;  intrigues  of,  212;  diSi- 
culties  of,  after  Canute's 
death,  333-337;  death  of, 
323;  other  mention  of,  87, 
193,  266 

Empire,  the,  48,  160,  264-269, 
310,  320,  330 

Empire  of  the  North,  255  ff.; 
extent  of,  258  fif.,  324;  de- 
cline of,  258,  258,  328;  capi- 
tal of,  261 ;  institutional  sys- 
tems in,  280  ff.;  civilisation 
of,  285  ff.;  Canute's  plans 
for  the  future  of,  331-333; 
collapse  of,  331  ff-.  339.  340 

Encomiast,  Canute's  biograph- 
er, cited,  46,  47,  49,  54,  64, 
65.  72,  73.  88,  91,  96,  100, 
117,  123,  129,  226,  260,  332 

England,  Scandinavian  settle- 
ments in,  18  ff.;  vikings  in, 
22  ff.,  27-30,  44,  45;  Danish 
conquest  of,  37  ff.,  46  ff., 
49,  66  ff.;  part  of,  friendly 
to  Danes,  47,  50;  revolts 
against  Canute,  58  ff.;  is 
attacked  by  Canute,  66  ff., 
75  ff.;  civil  strife  in,  69  ff., 
77  ff.;  exhaustion  of,  96;  di- 
vided at  Deerhurst,  97;  Ca- 
nute king  of,  100,  106,  152, 
205,  258-260,  272,  327,  329, 
344;  Danish  rule  in,  104  ff.; 
reorganised  by  Canute,  114 
ff.;  church  of,  in  Canute's 
day,  162  ff.;  debt  of  North- 
em  churches  to,  190,  261, 
272;  Norwegian  conspira- 
tors in,  202,  203;  threatened 
with  Norman  invasion,  254; 
heathendom  in  ,  277;  institu- 
tional influence  of  Scandi- 
navians in,  28  off.;  Northern 
scalds  in,  294  ff.;  Harold 
Harefoot  king  of,  334,  335; 


Harthacanute  king  of,  332, 

337.  338;  other  mention  of, 
3,  7,  82,  83,  86, 129, 214, 229, 
231,  232,  243,  248,  280,  282, 
320,  347  et  passim 

Ere-thing,  the,  239,  240,  242 
Eric,  King  of  Denmark,  191 
Eric  Bloodax,  King  of  Nor- 
way, 9,  10;  sons  of,  181 
Eric  Hakonsson,  Earl  in  Nor- 
way and  England,  fights  at 
Hj6runga  Bay,  12;  marries 
Canute's  sister,  33,  56;  fights 
at  Swald,  34,  35,  82,   116; 
Earl  in  Norway,  35,  no,  197, 
200,  201,  245;  summoned  to 
assist   Canute  in   England, 
65,  68,  69,  72;  Eari  of  North- 
umbria,  80,  81,  83,  115,  118, 

120,  121,  140,  142;  raids 
Mercia,  91;  character  of, 
no,  148,  149;  death  of,  147, 
148,  150,  202;  other  mention 
of,  102,  119,  222,  293 

Eric  the  Victorious,  King  of 
Sweden,  n,  12,  28-31,  56 

Eric's  Praise,  the,  91  n. 

Erling,  son  of  Earl  Hakon,  13 

Erling  Skjalgsson,  power  and 
influence  of,  199-201,  294; 
in  Canute's  service,  213,  235, 
239;  death  of,  243,  244;  sons 
of,  207,  250 

Essex,  26,  93,  97 

Esthonians,  158 

Estrid,    Canute's   sister,    119, 

121,  223,  253,  254,  266,  322, 

338,  340 
Ethelmer,  ealdorman,  52 
Ethelnoth    the    Good,    Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  165, 
166,  173,  174,  190,  194,  344 

Ethelred  the  Ill-counselled, 
King  of  England,  accession 
and  inheritance  of,  23,  25; 
character  of,  23,  24,  84; 
treats  with  the  vikings,  27, 
29,  30;  attacks  the  North- 
men in  Cumberland  and 
Man,  37,  38;  marries  Emma 


364 


Index 


Ethelred — Continued 
of  Normandy,  38;  orders 
massacre  of  St.  Brice's  day, 
39,  40;  prepares  a  fleet,  42, 
loi;  resists  Sweyn,  51;  flees 
to  Normandy,  53,  54;  is  re- 
called and  expels  Canute, 
59,  62;  objects  to  Edmund's 
marriage,  71;  illness  and 
death  of,  77,  83,  86;  sons  and 
daughters  of,  53,  105,  117, 
124-127,  146,  253,  254,  256, 
266;  legislation  of,  42,  139, 
164,  194 

Ethelric,  Bishop,  223 

Ethelstan,  King  of  England,  181 

Ethel  ward,  English  noble,  95 

Ethelwerd,  Earl,  120 

Ethics  of  Norse  heathendom, 
183  ff. 

Evesham,  monastery  of,  171, 
175,  176,  191 

Exeter,  41,  175 

Exeter  Codex,  297 


Faroe  Islands,  17,  259 

Fenlands,  the,  79,  313,  325 

Perm,  English,  284 

Festivals,  old  Northern,  1 86-1 88 

Fife,  206,  234 

Finnvid  Found,  ancestor  of  the 

Amungs,  199 
"Five  Boroughs,"  the,  20,  50 
"Five  hide  system,"  the,  284 
Flanders,  190,  226,  261,  264, 

337 
Fleet  (described),  49,  73,  214, 

238;  5ee  Ship 
Florence  of  Worcester,  cited, 

27,  72,  92  n.,  97-99, 106,  126, 

209,  247,  249 
Forest  laws,  279 
Forth,  Firth  of,  139,  232 
France,  264,  266 
Frankpledge,  280 
Franks,  307 
Frey,  old    Northern    divinity, 

182,  183,  185,  187,  199 


Friesen,  Otto  von,  Swedish 
rimologist,  cited,  113,  1140. 

Frigg,  old  Northern  goddess, 
308 

Fulbert,  Bishop,  227 

Fimen,  Danish  Island,  190, 
287 

"F^rd,"the,  77n. 

Fyris  River,  battle  of,  12,  26 


Gainsborough,  Danish  camp 
at,  50,  52,  54,  58,  59,  128 

Garth,  the  royal,  290,  291 

Gaul,  74 

Gaut  River,  287,  336 

Gautland,  208 

Gemot,  at  Eanham,  42;  at 
London,  44,  105,  125;  recalls 
Ethelred,  59;  at  Oxford,  69, 
70,  139,  164,  166,  334,  335; 
elects  Edmund,  86;  other, 
elects  Canute,  86;  at  Ciren- 
cester, 144;  at  Winchester, 
312 

Gerbrand,  Bishop,  190,  191, 
272 

Germans  in  South  Jutland,  4; 
in  Slavic  lands,  153,  154; 
influence  of,  on  Northern 
culture,  307,  328 

Germany,  48,  158,  189,  226, 
236,  269 

Gillingham,  88 

Gisela,  Empress,  227 

Giski,  Isle  of,  199 

Glastonbury,  174,  192 

Gleeman,  292 

Gloucestershire,  96,  172 

Godebald,  Bishop  of  .  Scania, 
192 

Godescalc,  Slavic  prince,  263 

Godric,  English  Earl,  120 

Godwin,  Ealdorman,  95 

Godwin,  Earl  of  Wessex,  early 
history  of,  1 19-12 1;  impor- 
tant position  of,  133,  150- 
1 52 ;  accompanies  Canute  on 
his  expeditions  to  the  east, 


Index 


365 


Godwin — Continued 

159.  236,  237;  supports 
Harthacanute  against  Har- 
old, 332,  334;  secures  the 
crown  for  Edward,  339 

Gokstad,  ship  found  at,  304 

Gorm,  King  of  Denmark,  3-7, 
14,  205,  241,338 

Gotland,  287 

Greenland,  17,  259 

Greenwich,  54,  61,  86 

Grimkell,  Norse  bishop,  193, 
194.  273.  315.  316 

Gudrun,  saga  heroine,  293 

Gunhild,  Canute's  daughter, 
129,  160,  268,  320,  322 

Gunhild,  Canute's  niece,  247, 
249 

Gunhild,  Canute's  sister,  262, 
263 

Gunhild,  Harold  Bluetooth's 
Queen,  14,  15 

Gunhild,  Harold  Bluetooth's 
daughter,  15,  39 

GunhUd,  Sweyn's  Queen,  Ca- 
nute's mother,  31,  56, 65, 156 

Gunner,  Emma's  mother,  129 

Gunvor,  Norwegian  woman, 
302 

Gyrith,  Harold  Bluetooth's 
Queen,  14,  15;  see  Gunhild 

Gytha,  Canute's  sister,  33,  56, 
121 

H 

Hakon  the  Bad,  Earl  of  Nor- 
way, 3,  10,  II,  16,  28,  29, 
118,  121,  149,  197.293 

Hakon  Ericsson,  Earl  in  Nor- 
way, 69,  80,  120,  251,  264; 
driven  out  by  Olaf  the  Stout, 
74;  Earl  in  England,  75,  119, 
149,  150,  202,  203;  viceroy 
in  Norway,  241,  242;  re- 
called by  Canute,  247;  death 
of,  248,  250 

Hakon  the  Good,  King  of  Nor- 
way, 9,  10,  181,  192 

Hakon  of  Stangeby,  214 

Hakon,  viking  prince,  15 


Hall,  old  Northern,  289  ff. 

Halldor  the  Unchristian,  scald, 
cited,  34 

Hallestad  Stone,  the,  76,  77  n. 

Hallfred  Troublousscaid  cited, 
82,  308 

Hamburg-Bremen,  see  of,  55, 
160,  190,  191,  271-273 

Hampshire,  167 

Harek  of  Tjotta,  Norwegian 
magnate,  200,  239,  245,  250 

Harold,  Earl,  son  of  God- 
win, 152 

Harold,  Earl,  son  of  Thurkil 
the  Tall,  32,  117,  147,  211, 

241,  249,  252,  314 

Harold  Bluetooth,  King  of 
Denmark,  6-8,  13-15,  25, 
155.  156,  158 

Harold  Fairhair,  King  of  Nor- 
way, 9,  28,  80 

Harold  Graj^ell,  Norwegian 
King,  9,  10 

Harold  Harefoot,  Canute's  son, 
128,  129,  211,  322;  King  of 
England,  333-336;  death  of, 
336,  337;  character  of,  337 

Harold  Sweynsson,  King  of 
Denmark,  Canute's  brother, 
48,  56,  58,  64,  65,  108,  138 

Harthacanute,  Canute's  son, 
present  at  the  translation  of 
St.  Alphege,  173,  211;  regent 
and  King  of  Denmark,  129, 
208,  211,  212,  214,  215,  241, 

242,  260,  314,  320,  331  ff.; 
King  of  England,  129,  133, 
332  ff . ;  compact  of,  with  Mag- 
nus, 98,  99;  probably  chosen 
to  succeed  Canute,  260,  332, 
333;  death  of,  322,  339; 
character  of,  338 

Hastings,  battle  of,  267 

Hawking,  302 

"Head  Ransom,"  the,  old 
Norse  poem,  295 

Heathby,  Danish  city,  282,  286 

Heathendom  in  England,  139, 
147,  163,  277;  among  the 
Slavs,  154;  in  the  North,  163, 


366 


Index 


Heathendom — Continued 

i8o  flf.,  197,  201,  285,  302; 

Canute's  legislation  against, 

177-179,  274  flf.,  343 
Hebrides  Islands,  18,  25 
Helgi,  saga  hero,  293 
Heming,    Thurkil    the    Tail's 

brother,  43,  67,  68 
Heming,    ThurHl's   grandson, 

249 
Henry  I,  King  of  France,  255, 

266 
Henry  II,  Emperor,  48,  160, 

267,  326 
Henry  III,  Emperor,  160,  268, 

320 
Henry   the   Fowler,   King   of 

Germany,  5,  268 
Henry  of  Himtingdon  cited, 

89 
Heorot,  6 

"  Here, "  the,  viking  host,  77  n. 
Hereford,  94 
Heroic  poetry,  old  Northern, 

293 

HUdebrand,  270 

Hjorunga  Bay,  battle  of,  12- 

14,  16,  26,  68,  116 
Holy  River,  battle  of,  167,  216 

flf.,  220,  222,  224,  235,  265, 

294 
Holy  Tnnity,  Church  of  the, 

8,  14,  57,  222 
Home,  Scandinavian,  288,  289 
H6nen,   runic   monument   at, 

17  n. 
Honour,  Northern  ideas  of,  281 
Hordaland,    district    in    Nor- 
way, 17 
Homel-mount,  the,  238 
Hostages,  50,  63,  64,  147,  238, 

242,  327 
House,  old  Northern,  289  flf. 
Housecarles,     Canute's,    131- 
^   135,  173,  237,  261,  282,  334 
Hugo,  Norman  commander  at 

Exeter,  41 
Humber  River,  27,  49,  75,  79 
Hungary,  126,  340 
Htide  Register,  56 


Iceland,  17,  22,  259,  283 

India,  291 

Industrial  arts.  Northern,  304 
flF. 

Inscriptions,  see  Runic  inscrip- 
tions 

Institute  Cnuti,  278 

Ireland,  Scandinavians  in,  18, 
60,  61 

Irish  Sea,  viking  rendezvous, 
24-26,  37, 45,  60;  cities  near, 
287,  330 

Italy,  48,  229,  267 

Ivar  White,  Canute's  house- 
carle,  2:^2 


Jaederen,  district  in  Norway, 

199 
Jehmarc,  vassal  of  Canute,  232, 

233 

JeUing,  royal  residence  in  Jut- 
land, 4-6,  14 

Jelling  Stones,  runic  monu- 
ments, 6,  7 

Jemteland,  district  in  Sweden, 
258 

Jersey,  Island  of,  254 

Jewelry,  old  Northern,  303 

John  XIX,  Pope,  230,  270,  345 

Jom,  see  Jomburg 

Jomburg,  city  and  stronghold 
in  Wendland,  8,  12,  14,  32, 
40, 154  flf.  158, 159,  241,  248- 
250,  258,  260,  314 

Jomvikings,  attack  Sweden  and 
Norway,  12,  13,26;  take  part 
in  the  battle  of  Swald,  33, 34; 
attack  England,  42  ff.,  157; 
enter  English  service,  44-46, 
^8,  54;  hositle  to  the  Dan- 
ish kings,  156;  saga  of,  66; 
tactics  of,  77  and  n.;  organi- 
sation of,  132,  155,  156 

Julin,  see  Jomburg 

Jumiliges,  William  of,  see  Wil- 
liam 


Index 


367 


Jumneta,  see  Jomburg 
Justiciar,  Norman  official,  11 1 
Jutland   (and  Jutes),  3-5,  10, 

158,  163,  180,  212,  214,  241, 

267 


Kalf      Amesson,     Norwegian 
magnate,  245-247,  250,  251, 

319 

Kent,  49,  75,  92 

Kingscrag,     city    in    modern 

Sweden,  208,  213,  287 
King's  Delf,  314 
Kingship,  joint,  335 
Knytlingasaga,  323 
Knytlings,  dynasty  of  Canute, 

2,  35.  300.  322,  324.  337. 340 
Kurisches  HaJBf,  158 


Lakenheath,  170 

Lambert,  Canute's  Christian 
name,  164,  165,  325 

Lambeth,  339 

Lateran  synod  (1027),  228 

Law,  Scandinavian  ideas  of, 
281,  282 

"Laws  of  Edward,"  the,  278- 
280 

"Lay  of  Righ, "  the,  old 
Northern  poem,  288,  289 

Legislation,  English,  139,  164, 
172,  274  ff.,  342,  343 

Leicester,  20 

Leif  the  Lucky,  Icelandic  ex- 
plorer, 17 

Leofric,  Earl  of  Mercia,  151, 

334 

Leofwine,  Earl  of  Mercia,  120, 
121,  124,  150-152 

Lethra  (Leire),  6 

Libentius,  Archbishop  of  Ham- 
burg-Bremen, 273,  274 

Liber  Vitm,  323;  see  Hyde 
Register 

Liebermann,  P.,  German  his- 
torian, cited,  278 


Liffey  River,  18 

Lifing,  Archbishop,  166-169, 
270,  341 

Lifing,  Bishop  of  Crediton, 
166-168,  176,  229,  339 

Lime  Firth,  214,  216,  236-238 

Limerick,  287 

Lincoln,  20,  61,  79 

Lindsey,  50,  61,  95 

Lister,  district  in  Norway,  238 

"Lithsmen's  Song,"  the,  old 
Norse  poem,  87,  91 

Lithuanians,  153 

Lombardy,  268 

London,  resists  the  Danes,  51, 
52,  83;  thingmen  in,  53,  66, 
67;  sieges  of,  62,  86  flf.,  93, 
135;  held  by  Canute,  97-99, 
105;  opposes  translation  of 
St.  Alphege,  172,  173;  sup- 
ports Harold  Harefoot,  334; 
accepts  Edward,  339 

London  Bridge  broken  by 
Olaf  the  Stout,  51 

Long  Serpent,  the,  Olaf  Try- 
gvesson's  longship,  35,  305, 
306 

Longships,  see  Ships 

Lorraine,  226,  261,  268 

Lothian,  ceded  to  the  Scotch, 
139-142,  151,  233,  258 

Louis  the  Pious,  Emperor,  163 

Lund,  Scanian  see,  282 

M 

Macbeth,  233,  234 
Maelar,  Lake,  286 
Maelbeathe,  Canute's    vassal, 

232,  233 
Magnus    Olafsson,    King    of 

Norway  and  Denmark,  98, 

99.  319.  320,  334.  336,  338- 

340 
Malcolm,    King   of   Scotland, 

139,  141,  232-234 
Maldon,  battle  of,  26,  296 
Malmesbury,  71,  88 
Malmesbury,  William  of,  see 

William 


368 


Index 


Man,  Isle  of,  i8,  309 
Manna,    Sweyn's    housecarle, 

135 

Marriage  in  Canute  s  day,  277; 
laws  relating  to,  281,  282 

Matthew  Paris,  English  chron- 
icler, cited,  314 

Medway  River,  91 

Mercia,  old  English  kingdom, 
24,70,71,79,83,91,97,102, 
115,  118,  120,  122-124,  150, 
334, 336 

Merseburg,  Thietmar  of,  see 
Thietmar 

Midlands,  the,  50,  83,  89,  151 

Mieczislav,  Duke  of  Poland,  33 

Mieczislav,  King  of  Poland, 
126,  160 

Mints,  282 

Miracles  attributed  to  St. 
Olaf,  252,  315 

Mistiwi,  14 

Monasticism,  in  Denmark, 
191 ;  in  Norway,  317 

Moneyers  in  Denmark,  282 

Moray  Firth,  233 

Morcar,  magnate  in  the  Dane- 
law, 70 

Munch,  P.  A.,  Norse  historian, 
cited,  13,  30  n.,  109  n.,  233, 

234 
"Murdrum  fine,"  279,  280 


N 


Naples,  Northmen  in,  328 

Navarre,  264 

Navy,  English,  27,  42 

Naze,  the,  10,  35,  199,  239,  243 

Nesses,  the,  battle  of,  80,  81, 

102,  201 
New  Minster,  Winchester,  175 
Niard,  187;  see  Njord 
Nid  River,  238,  239 
Nidaros,    capital   of   Norway, 

102,  103,  237,  239,  250,  259, 

260,  283,  287,  312,  315,  317, 

332,  333 
"Nithing  name,"  281 
Njord,  308;  see  Niard 


Norfolk,  43 

Norman  conquest,  effect  of, 
on  old  English  literature, 
297;  hastened  by  Canute's 
conquest,  329 

Norman  officials  in  the  North- 
em  churches,  262,  264 

Normandy,  foundation  of,  2, 
18,  19  n.,  22,  328;  as  a  vik- 
ing rendezvous,  38,  41; 
Ethelred's  relations  with, 
38,  53,  59;  Canute's  relations 
with,  127-130,  253,  254,  264, 
265,  330;  ethelings  in,  127, 
128,  200,  254,  329;  famine 
in,  266 

North,  the,  1-3,  22,  26,  28,  38, 
48,58,  68,  98,  105,122,  131, 
162,  180,  182,  189,  191,  198, 
215,  224,  225,  257,  263,  280, 
288,  300,  305,  307,  318  et 
passim 

Northampton,  128 

Northman,  Mercian  noble,  124 

Northmen,  Norsemen,  Nor- 
wegians, the,  at  war  with  the 
Danes,  13,33  ff.,  208,  211  ff., 
217  ff.,  236  ff.,  333,  336;  in 
the  Scandinavian  colonies, 
17-20,  70, 118,  150, 185, 248, 
259,  287,  301;  in  rebellion 
against  Earl  Hakon,  28;  de- 
feated in  Ireland,  60,  61 ;  as 
earls  and  officials  in  Eng- 
land, 120  ff.,  141 ;  religion  of, 
182  ff,,  307;  oppose  King 
Olaf,  197  ff.,  326;  accept  the 
rule  of  Canute,  237, 252, 311, 
344;  at  Canute's  court,  262; 
oppose  Elgiva  and  Sweyn, 
283,  318,  319;  civiUsation  of, 
285  ff.;  commerce  of,  288; 
canonise  St.  Olaf,  316  ff.; 
repudiate  Canute's  king- 
ship, 319;  see  Norway 

Northumbria,  24,  50,  74,  78, 
79.83,97.  no,  115,118,121, 
139.  149.  150 

Norway,  controlled  by  the 
Danes,  3,  7,  9,  10,  48,  65, 


Index 


369 


Norway — Continued 

107,  231  flf.;  attacked  by  the 
Jom vikings,  12,  13,  26;  Olaf 
Trygvesson  king  of,  29  ff.; 
Eric  and  Sweyn,  earls  in,  35, 
69,  no,  197;  Olaf  the  Stout 
king  of,  74,  75,  81,  102,  119 
et  passim  missionary  opera- 
tions in,  29,  103,  163,  172, 
181,  192-194,  271,  273,  274; 
at  war  with  Denmark,  119, 
151,  215  ff.,  263,  333,  336; 
dissatisfaction  in,  163,  164, 
195.  196,  198,  199.  209; 
bribery  in,  209,  210,  230, 
234  ff.,  246,  326;  Canute 
king  of,  152,  244,  258,  259; 
Hakon  viceroy  of,  241,  242, 
246-248;  Elgiva  and  Sweyn 
regents  of,  128,  129,  314  ff., 
^31;  rebellious  movements 
m,  260,  262,  263,  266,  310, 
319,  320,  333;  Canute's  leg- 
islation for,  280,  282-284; 
cities  and  commerce  of,  286- 
288;  Magnus  Olafsson  king 
of.  319.  333.  336;  other  men- 
tion of,  16,  17,  56,  69,  98, 
212  et  passim;  see  also  North- 
men 

Nottingham,  20,  79 

Novgorod,  287 

O 

Oddemess  Stone,  runic  monu- 
ment, 194  n. 
Odense,  190,  191,  282,  287 
Oder  River,  8,  9,  12,  16,  42, 

154.  155.  158,  258,  267 
Odo,  Count  of  Chartres,  53,  62 
Olaf,  King  of  Sweden,  48,  68 
Olaf  Haroldsson   (the  Stout), 
Kling  of  Norway,  vtking  ac- 
tivities of,  43,  46,  51,  52,62, 
74.  109,  318;  in  English  and 
Norman  service,  51,  52,  62, 
63;  baptism  of,  62,  181;  re- 
turns to  Norway  and  seizes 
Earl    Hakon,    73-75,    119; 
wins  a  victory  at  the  Nesses, 


80,  81;  King  of  Norway,  63, 
80,  102,  103,  108,  199  et 
passim  missionary  activi- 
ties of,  43,  163,  192,  195, 
197  ff.,  224,  225,  272,  273; 
opposition  to,  163,  164,  19^ 
199,  201-203,  221,  236,  255; 
character  of,  184,  197,  209, 
255.  326;  purposes  of,  197, 
198;  defies  Canute,  204-207; 
forms  an  alliance  with  the 
Swedish  king,  207,  208,  213; 
raises  the  host  of  Norway 
and  harries  the  Danish 
coast,  213,  215,  216;  traps 
Canute  at  Holy  River,  216 
ff.;  retreat  to  Norway,  219, 
220;  loses  his  kingdom  to 
Canute,  231  ff.;  deserted  by 
his  chiefs,  237,  238;  tries  to 
resume  his  rule,  242-244; 
flees  to  Russia,  244;  is  re- 
called to  Norway,  250;  falls 
at  Stiklestead,  74,  163,  201, 
252,  292,  319;  miracles  at- 
tributed to,  252;  canonisa- 
tion and  worship  of,  287, 
312,  315-319;  and  his  scalds, 
292,  295;  other  mention  of, 
226,  246,  304,  309,  333 

Olaf  Trygvesson,  King  of  Nor- 
way, early  life  of,  28;  viking 
activities  of,  26,  27,  37,  52, 
319;  becomes  a  Christian, 
29,  172,  181;  King  of  Nor- 
way, 28,  29,  199;  wooes  Sig- 
rid  the  Haughty,  31;  mar- 
ries Thyra,  33;  falls  at 
Swald,  34,  35,  69,  76,  82; 
missionary  work  of,  192, 272, 
308;  foimder  of  Nidaros,  287 

Old  Minster,  Winchester,  176, 

321,  323 

Olney,  compact  of,  98,  104 

Olvi  of  Egg,  Norwegian  mag- 
nate, 200,  245 

Omens,  23,  140,  311,  336 

Ordeal,  7,  281 

Orkney  Islands,  17,  18,  232, 
248,  259 


370 


Index 


Ornamentation,  styles  of,  301 

ff. 
Orwell  River,  91 
Osbern,     biographer    of    St. 

Alphege,  cited,  173 
Oslo  Firth,  238,  242,  243 
Otford,  skirmish  at,  92,  loi 
Ottar  the  Swart,  scald,  cited, 

63,  109,  234,  294,  295 
Otto  the  Great,  Emperor,  11 
Ottos,  dynasty  of  the,  48,  267 
Oxford,  43,  50,  69,  100,  164, 

166,  334-337.  343 


Palace,  royal,  189,  291 
Pallig,  ealdorman,  15,  39,  40, 

175 
Pallium,  cost  of  the,  228,  345 
Palna  Toki,  archer  and  vilang, 

14,  40,  155 
Papacy,  state  of,  270 
Paris,  Matthew,  see  Matthew 
Penal  laws  in  England,  281 
Penselwood,  battle  of,  88,  10 1 
Pentland  Firth,   17,  248,  249 
Peterborough,  53 
Peter's  pence,   191,   192,  228, 

270,  276,  347 
"Pictured  rocks,"  302,  303 
Pilgrims,    complaints  of   the, 

228,  345 
Piragus,  301 

Poetry,  old  Northern,  292  ff. 
Poland,  31,  33,  48,  65,   153. 

264, 268 
Pomerania,  2,  34 
Pope,  48,  264,  270,  341 
Poppo,  Danish  clerk,  7 
"Praise  lays,"  261,  293 
Proclamation     of     1020,    Ca- 
nute's, no.  Ill,  142,144-147, 
166,  168,   177-179.  341-343 
Prussia,  3,  258 


Quadripartitus,  278 
Quedlingburg,  11 


Ragnarok  myth,  188,  189 
Ramsey,   abbey  of,   95,    171, 

223,  314 
Ramstmd  rock,  pictures  on  the, 

303 
Ranig,   Scandinavian  Earl  m 

England,  120,  149 
Raven  banner,  the,  94,  117 
Reginbert,   Bishop  of  Funen, 

190 
Religion,  old  Northern,  181  ff., 

276,  277,  293,  318;  origin  of, 

182;  divinities  of,  182,  183; 

ethics    of,    183,    184,    277; 

ritual  and  sacrifices  of,  185 

ff.;  festivals  of,  186  ff. 
Repingdon,  171 
Reric,  Danish  city  in  Wend- 

land,  153 
Rhine  River,  193 
Rhone  River,  226 
Richard    of    Cirencester, 

chronicler,  cited,  210 
Richard,  Duke  of  Normandy, 

38,  40,  53,  62,  266 
Ridings  in  Yorkshire,  281 
Riga,  258 
Righ,  old  Northern    divinity, 

288,  289 
Ringmere,  battle  of,  43,  294 
Ring-reahn,    district   in    Nor- 
way, 243 
Rings,  Scandinavian,  296,  303, 

304 
Ringsted,  Danish  city,  282 
Robert,  Archbishop  of  Rouen, 

62 
Robert,  King  of  France,  62 
Robert    the    Devil,    Duke    of 

Normandy,     130,    253-255, 

266,  267 
Roeskild,  capital  of  Denmark, 

8,  14,  15,  45,    57,  190-192, 

221,  260,  261,  282,  327 
Roeskild  Firth,  6 
Rogaland, district  inNorway,l7 
Rolf,  founder  of  Normandy,  I, 

2,  18 


Index 


371 


Rome,  148,  152,  166,  167,  202, 
211,  221,  224,  227-229,  234, 
252,  262,  265,  269, 270,  341, 
345,  346 

Rouen,  62,  127,  181,  254,  255, 
262,  266,  294 

Route  of  the  Danes  to  the 
west,  49,  226 

Rudolf,  Bishop  in  Norway,  193 

Rudolf,    Eling    of    Burgundy, 

„  227,  345 

Rugen,  Island  of,  34 

"Rune-masters,"  298,  301 

Runes,  298  flE. 

Runic  art,  see  Art 

Runic  inscriptions,  6,  7,  14, 
17  n.,  30  n.,  35  n.,  42  n.,  76, 
113,  134,  135,  151,  194  n., 
237,  299  flf.,  302 

Russia,  16,  244,  250,  287,  288, 
319 


Sacrifices,  old  Northern,  185, 
186 

Saga  materials  in  old  North- 
em  poetry,  293 

St.  Alphege,  see  Alphege' 

St.  Ansgar,  missionary  to  the 
North,  163 

St.  Benet  Hulme,  monastery 
of,  170,  175 

St.  Bertin,  monastery  of,  226 

St.  Brice,  313 

St.  Brice's  day,  massacre  of, 
39,  40,  42 

St.  Clemens,  church  of,  103 

St.  Cuthbert,  172,  176 

St.  Dunstan,  172,  176,  312 

St.  Edith,  171 

St.  Edmund,  55,  95,  169,  170, 
172,  176 

St.  Felix,  171,  176 

St.  Frideswide,  church  of,  70 

St.  Henry,  see  Henry  II 

St.  Mary  Devon,  chiaxJi  of, 

175 
St.  Olaf,  see  Olaf  Haroldsson 
St.  Omer,  226 


St.  Paul,  341 

St.  Paul'sVcntirch  of,  172 

St.  Peter,  225,  344,  347 

St.  Stephen,  see  Stephen 

St.  Thomas,  290,  291 

St.  Vincent,  313 

St.  Wistan,  171,  175 

Saints,  318 

Salop,  79 

Sandefjord,  town  in  Norway, 

304 
Sandwich,  43,  49,  63,  327 
Santslaue      (Santslave),     Ca- 
nute's sister,   57,    262;    see 

Svantoslava 
Sarpsborg,    city    in    Norway, 

208,  220,  243,  287 
Saxo,  Danish  chronicler,  cited, 

13,    14,   25   n.,    132,    215, 

216 
Saxony,  28, 154 
Scalds,  43,  122, 261, 291  fif.,  326 
Scandinavia,  16,  22,  28,  48,  60, 

72,    180,  231,  233,  257  fif., 

285,  286,  288,  299,  307,  318, 

324,  327  et  passim 
Scandinavian  colonies,   16  flf., 

25,  60,  83,  84,  104,  118,  139, 

150,  234,  277,  301,  332 
Scania,  3,  4,  12,  121,  135,  180, 

190,  192,  214, 216 
Schlei,  inlet  in  Sleswick,  5,  268 
Scone,  232 
Scotland,   139-142,  205,  232- 

234,  258,  259,  264, 329 
Secular  laws  of  Canute,  276  flf. 
Seine  River,  18 
Semland,  258 
"Seven    Boroughs,"   the,   see 

' '  Five  Boroughs ' ' 
Severn  Valley,  21,  39  n.,  96, 

136,  202 
Shaftesbury,  321 
Shakespeare,  233 
Sheppey,  DaniSi  camp  at,  91- 

93 
Sherburne,  313 
Sherstone,  battle  of,  88,  loi, 

117 
Shetland  Islands,  17,  259 


372 


Index 


Shield,  l^endary  Danish  king, 

3 
Shieldings,   legendary   Danish 

dynasty,  3,  4,  6 
Ship  as  numerical  term,  77 
Ships,  Scandinavian,  304,  305 
Short  Serpent,  the,   long-ship, 

82 
"Shrine  Song,"  the,  old  Norse 

poem,  319 
Sibyl,  the,  of  the  Eddas,  188 
"Sibyl's  Prophecy,"  the,  old 

Northern   poem,   292,   293, 

307;  see  Voluspd 
Sigeferth,     magnate     in     the 

Danelaw,  70,  125 
Sigfrid,   Bishop    in    Norway, 

192 
Sigfried,  293,  302,  303 
Sighvat  the  Scald  cited,  206, 

226,  234,  252,  262,  294-296, 

304,  318,  319 
Sigrid,  wife  of  Kalf  Amesson, 

245 
Sigrid  the  Haughty,  Canute  s 
stepmother,  31,  57,  65,  66, 

163 
Sigrun,  saga  herome,  293 
Sigurd,  Bishop,  see  Sigfrid 
Sigurd,    Earl    Hakon's    court 

bishop,  251,  264,  315 
Sigurd,  Norwegian  earl,  10 
Sigurd,  saga  hero,  see  Sigfried 
Sigvaldi,  Earl  at  Jomburg,  12, 

26,  32,  34,  42,  156,  157 
Simeon  of  Durham,  English 
chronicler,  cited,  80, 141, 142 
Siric,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, 26,  27 
Si  ward.  Abbot  of  Abingdon  ,313 
Siward    the   Strong,    Earl   of 

Northvunbria,  12 1 
Skartha,    Danish    housecarle, 

30  n.,  56 
Skene,  W.  F.,  Scotch  histor- 
ian, cited,  233 
Skiringshall,  city  in  Norway, 

286 
Skjalg  Erlingsson,  Norwegian 
chief,  207 


Skogul  Tosti,  see  Tosti 

Slavic  lands  and  peoples,  3,  8, 
9, 14, 15, 34, 126, 151  ff.,  160, 
258,  260,  272,  327,  344 

Sleswick,  3,  160,  268,  269,  282, 
286 

Slesswick,  massacre  at,  66,  96 

Snorre,  Icelandic  historian, 
cited,  35,  51,  63,  98,  99,  202, 
203,  206,  215,  217,  2i8,  220, 
222,  246,  247,  316,  317  et 
passim 

Sogn  Firth,  199 

SoU,  Erling's  garth,  199,  209, 

235.  239 

Sender  Visaing,  rumc  monu- 
ment at,  14 

"Song  of  the  High  One,"  the, 
old  Northern  poem,  183,  184 

Sortil^e  in  the  old  Northern 
religion,  187,  188 

Sotmd,  the,  192,  216,  220,  237 

Southampton,  25,  86 

South  Jutland,  4 

Southwark,  51,  173 

Spain,  264 

Spey  River,  232 

Stadt,  Cape,  199,  238,  239 

Staffordshire,  79 

Staller,  Scandinavian  ofl&cial, 
282 

Stamford,  20 

Stangeberg,  battle  of,  216 

Stavanger,  17,  199 

Steenstrup,  j.  C.  H.  R.,  Dan- 
ish historian,  cited,  19  n., 
3on.,  57n.,  109  n.,  157 

Stenkyrka  Stone,  pictured  rock, 
302 

Stephen,  King  of  Htmgary, 
126, 326 

Stigand,  Anglo-Danish  priest, 
169 

Stiklestead,  battle  of,  163,  245, 
250-252,  292,  294,  314,  315, 

319 
Stockholm,  113 
Stord,  battle  of,  10 
Storm,     Gustav,     Norwegian 

historian,  cited,  43  n. 


Index 


373 


Strathdyde,  140 

"Stretch  Song,"  the,  old 
Northern  poem,  294,  296 

Styrbjom,  Earl  at  Jomburg, 
12,  14,  15,  26,  30 

Suffolk,  91 

Surety,  old  English,  280 

Sussex,  49 

Svantoslava,  57;  see  Santslaue 

Sveno,  Damsh  chronicler, 
cited,  131 

Swald,  battle  of,  34-36,  42,  68, 
69,  76,  82,  116,  192,  242,  294 

Swart,  lord  of  the  fire- world  ,188 

Sweden,  11,  12,  26,  30,  33-35. 
48,  81,  130,  134,  152,  167, 
180,  185,  186,  192,  201,  202, 
204,  207,  208,  211,  237,  264, 
271,  286,303,336 

Swelchie,  the,  of  Pentland 
Firth,  249 

Sweyn,  son  of  Canute  and  El- 
giva,  128;  Earl  in  Wend- 
land,  159,  241;  regent  in 
Denmark,  211;  regent  in 
Norway,  248-250,  252,  260, 
263,  283,  314.  318-320,  331, 
332;  flees  to  Denmark,  320, 
333 ;  death  of,  320-322 

Sweyn,  Danish  housecarle,  135 

Sweyn  Forkbeard,  King  of 
Denmark,  in  rebellion 
against  his  father,  13,  14, 
156;  King  of  Denmark,  15 
ff.,  192;  plans  of,  16;  viking 
activities  of,  23,  25-28,  37, 
293;  family  of,  31,  56,  57; 
attacks  King  Olaf  and  ac- 
quires part  of  Norway,  33- 
35.  65;  has  designs  on  Eng- 
land, 38,  40,  45  ff.;  conquers 
England,  49-53,  59,  64,  79; 
death  of,  54-58,  60,  66,  170; 
character  and  personality 
of,  55.  56,  163 

Sweyn  Hakonsson,  Norwegian 
Earl,  35,  69,  80,  81,  197 

Sweyn  Ulfsson,  King  of  Den- 
mark, Canute's  nephew,  223, 
224,  338-340 


Tavistock,  abbey  of,  125,  167 
Tees  River,  120 
Thames  River  and  valley,  19, 
42,43.50,52,59.78.87,93, 

95,  105,  335 

Thanet,  Isle  of,  25,  43 

Thegns,  king's,  236,  261 

Thetford,  41 

Thietmar  of  Merseburg,  Ger- 
man chronicler,  cited,  57  n., 

87.  135.  136 

Thingmen,  Danish  mercena- 
ries in  England,  66-68,  131 

Thor,  old  Northern  divinity, 
181,  182,  185,  201,  307,  309, 
318 

Thor  the  Dog,  Norwegian 
magnate,  200,  239,  245,  250 

Thora,  Arne's  wife,  200 

Thorarin  Praise- tongue,  scald, 
238,  2J.I,  294,  295,  319 

Thord,  thingman,  67 

Thoretus,    Earl    in    England, 

lOI 

Thorgils  Sprakaleg,  Swedish 
magnate,  119,  121 

Thorir,  Norwegian  chief,  245 

Throndelaw,  district  in  Nor- 
way, 10,  80,  201,  204,  244, 
249,  250,  320,  333 

Throndhjem,  102,  103,  239, 
287;  see  Nidaros 

Thrym,  viking,  44 

Thurbrand,  Uhtred's  banes- 
man,  80 

Thurgot,  Danish  warrior,  135 

Thurkil,  son  of  Nafena,  chief 
in  the  Danelaw,   79,  81-83 

Thurkil  Mareshead,  43 

Thurkil  Nefja,  82;  see  Thurkil, 
son  of  Nafena 

Thurkil  the  Tall,  viking  chief, 
Canute's  foster  father,  32, 
76,  116,  117,  241;  leads  Jom- 
vikings  in  England,  42,  52, 
113,  114,  116,  157,  174; 
chief  of  the  viking  mercena- 
ries in  England,  45-47,  51,61, 


374 


Index 


Thurkil  the  TaVL— Continued 
62,  66,  67;  deserts  to  Ca- 
nute, 68,  116;  fights  at  Pen- 
selwood  and  Sherstone,  88, 
89;  fights  at  Ashington,  96; 
Canute's  chief  counsellor  and 
viceroy  in  England,  i  lo-i  12 , 
138,  ^77,342;  Earl  of  East 
Anglia,  115,  116,  138,  170; 
marries  Ethelred's  daughter, 
117,  118,  146;  exiled  from 
England,  117,  118,  146,  147, 
150.  157 1  reconciled  to  Ca- 
nute, 118,  147,  158,  211; 
viceroy  in  Denmark,  118, 
159,  208, 21 1 ;  death  of,  159, 
211 

Thurkil,  grandson  of  Thurkil 
the  Tall,  249 

Thyra,  Queen  of  Denmark,  5- 

7 

Thyra,  Queen  of  Norway,  Ca- 
nute's aunt,  12,  15,  33 

Tithing,  280 

Tjangvide  Stone,  pictured 
rock,  302 

Tjotta,  Isle  of,  200 

Toki,  see  Palna  Told 

Tosti,  Swedish  viking,  113, 
114  n. 

Tova,  Queen  of  Denmark,  14, 

15 
Treene  River,  5 
Trent  River,  50,  52,  61 
Trygve,  Norwegian  pretender, 

319 
Tunsberg,  city  in  Norway,  204, 

208,  243,  287 
Tweed  River,  139-141 

U 

Uhtred,  Earl  of  Northumbria, 
50,  78-81,  114, 115, 120, 140 

Ulf,  Canute's  brother-in- 
law,  one  of  Canute's  gen- 
erals, 102;  Earl  in  England, 
119,  121;  Earl  in  Jomburg, 
159;  viceroy  in  Denmark, 
159,  208,  212;  treason  of, 
212-215,  220,  327;    rescues 


Canute  at  Holy  River,  218, 
222;  murder  of,  8,  221,  222, 
322,  327,  340;  character  of, 
211,  212,  221,  222 

Ulf,  Swedish  vildng,  113,  114 

Ulfkellsland,  66,  95 

Ulfketel,  Earl  of  East  Anglia, 
41,43,  66,  67,95,  114.  115 

Ulfrun,  Elgiva's  mother,  128 

Unwan,  Archbishop  of  Ham- 
burg-Bremen, 160,  191, 272- 
274 

Uplands,  the,  district  in  Nor- 
way, 315 

Uppland,  region  in  Sweden,  12, 

113,  134 

Upsala,  Swedish  sanctuary  at, 
185, 186 


Vandals,  159 

Varangians,  Scandinavian 
guard  at  Byzantium,  149 

Vercelli  Book,  the,  297 

Viborg,  Danish  sanctuary  at, 
212 

Vikings,  the,  15,  18,  22-27,  44i 
49.  61,  75,  76,  84,  94,  113, 
135.  136,  180,  184,  277,  285, 
286,  291,  293,  294,  303,  306, 

327.  329,  330 
Vineland,  17 
Vistula  River,   153,  158,  258, 

267 
Volsungs,  the,  saga  heroes,  292 
Voluspl,     292;      see     Siiayl's 

Prophecy 

W 

Wales,  28,  136,  329,  335 

Walhalla,  302 
Wallingford,  52 

Waltheof,    Earl  of  Northum- 
bria, 140 
Wapentake,  281 
Warwick,  78 
Waterford,  18 
Watling  Street,  50 


Index 


375 


Wayland  Smith,  saga  hero,  302 

Wendland,  3,  34,  82,  129,  153, 
158-160,  199,  267;  see 
Slavic  lands 

Wessex,  expansion  of,  23;  at- 
tacked and  plundered  by 
the  Danes,  24,  45,  49,  59, 
297;  submits  to  Canute,  78, 
83,  104,  105;  given  to  Ed- 
mund at  Deerhurst,  97; 
Danegeld  levied  in,  98; 
under  Canute's  rule,  112, 
115,  261;  retains  Saxon 
character,  332;  supports 
claims  of  Harthacanute,  334 

Westminster,  336 

Wexford,  18 

Wick,  the,  district  in  Nor- 
way, 3,  204,  241,  252 

Wicklow,  18 

Widukind,  of  Corvey,  chroni- 
cler, cited,  8 

Wight,  Isle  of,  53,  85,  157 

Wiht,  Wihtland,  see  Witland 

William,  Bishop  of  Roeskild, 
261,  262 

William  the  Conqueror,  Duke 
of  Normandy,  107,  113,  253, 
267,  279,  280 

William  the  Great,  Duke  of 
Aquitaine,  264,  265,  298 

William  of  Jumi4ges,  Norman 
chronicler,  254 

William  of  Malmesbury,  Nor- 
man-English historian,  cited, 
45,  loi,  167,  168,  171 

Wiltshire,  78,  88 

Wimmer,  Ludvig,  Danish  run- 
ologist,  cited,  6 

Winchester,  capital  of  Eng- 
land, 25,  50;  Canute's  resi- 
dential city,  112,  164,  190, 
194,  203,  245,  260,  261,  291, 


293,  332;  see  of,  169,  312; 
Canute's  gifts  to  monaster- 
ies of,  175,  176,  313;  scalds 
at  the  court  of,  294;  Canute 
buried  in,  32 1 ;  other  mention 
of,  166,  172 

Wisby,  287 

Witenagemot,  ^12;  see  Gemot 

Witigem,  Slavic  prince,  247, 
263 

Witland,  157,  158,  258 

Woden,  old  Northern  divin- 
ity, 94,  182,  183,  185,  201, 
299.  308,  318 

Wollin,  island  and  village  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Oder,  154, 

155 
Worcester,    Florence    of,    see 

Florence 
Worcestershire,  21,  119 
Worsaae,  J.  J.  A.,  Daniish  anti- 

c^uarian,  cited,  20  n. 
Writing,  runic,  298 
Wrytsleof,  Slavic  prince,  263; 

see  Witigem 
Wulfstan,  Archbishop  of  York, 

112,  169,  296 
Wulfstan,    English    traveller, 

158 
Wyrtgeom,  see  Witigem 


Yggdrasil,  mythical  ash  tree, 

307 
York,  19,  21,  57,  79,  81,  85, 

176,  177,281,296,312,344 
Yule  festival,   old    Northern, 

186,  187,  275,  307 


Zealand,  6,  190,  213,  215,  220 


Ji  Selection  from  the 
Catalogue  of 

C.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 


Complete  Catalogues  ••»! 
on  application 


Heroes  of  the  Nations 


A  Series  of  biographical  studies  of  the  lives  and 
work  of  a  number  of  representative  historical  char- 
acters about  whom  have  gathered  the  great  traditions 
of  the  Nations  to  which  they  belonged,  and  who  have 
been  accepted,  in  many  instances,  as  types  of  the 
several  National  ideals.  With  the  life  of  each  typical 
character  is  presented  a  picture  of  the  National  con- 
ditions surroimding  him  during  his  career. 

The  narratives  are  the  work  of  writers  who  are 
recognized  authorities  on  their  several  subjects, 
and  while  thoroughly  trustworthy  as  history,  pre- 
sent picturesque  and  dramctic  "  stories  "  of  the  Men 
and  of  the  events  connected  with  them. 

To  the  Life  of  each  "  Hero  "  is  given  one  duo- 
decimo volume,  handsomely  printed  in  large  type, 
provided  with  maps  and  adequately  illustrated  ac- 
cording to  the  special  requirements  of  the  several 
subjects. 

For  full  list  of  volumes  see  next  page. 


HEROES  OF  THE  NATIONS 


NELSON.    By  W,  Clark  RusselL 
GUSTAVUS  ADOLPHUS.    By  C. 

R.  L.  Pletchw. 
PERICLES.      By  Evelyn  Abbott. 
THEODORIC  THE  GOTH.       By 

Thomas  Hodgkin. 
SIR  PHILIP  SIDNEY.    By  H.  R. 

Fox-Bourne. 
JULIUS  CAESAR.      By  W.  Warde 

Fowler. 
WYCLIF.      By  Lewis  Stigtant. 
NAPOLEON.       By  W.  O'Connor 

Morris. 
HENRY  OF  NAVARRE.      By  P. 

F.  WillMt. 
CICERO.         By  J.   L.   Stimcban- 

Davidson. 
ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     By  Noah 

Brooks. 
PRINCE   HENRY   (OF  PORTU- 
GAL)    THE     NAVIGATOR. 

By  C.  R.  Beazley. 
JULIAN    THE    PHILOSOPHER. 

By  Alice  Gardner. 
LOUIS  XIV.    By  Arthur  HassaU. 
CHARLES  XII.       By  R.  Nisbet 

Bain, 
LORENZO  DE'  MEDICI.         By 

Edward  Armstrong. 
JEANNE  D'ARC.       By  Mrs.  OK- 

phant. 
CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  By 

Washington  Irvinr. 


ROBERT  THE  BRUCE.      By  Si* 

Herbert  Maxwell. 
HANNIBAL.        By  W.  O'Connor 

Morris. 
ULYSSES  S.  GRANT.    By  William 

Conant  Church. 
ROBERT  E.  LEE.        By   Henry 

Alexander  White. 
THE  CID  CAMPEADOR.     By  H 

Butler  Clarke. 
SALADIN.         By  Stanley   Lane 

Poole. 
BISMARCK.     By  J.  W.  Headlam. 
ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.     By 

Benjamin  I.  Wheeler. 
CHARLEMAGNE.      By  H.  W.  C 

Davis. 
OLIVER    CROMWELL.  By 

Charles  Firth. 
RICHELIEU.  By  James  B.Perkina. 
DANIEL  O'CONNELL.     By  Rob- 

ert  Dunlop. 
SAINT    LOUIS     (Louis    IX.     of 

France).     By  Frederick  Perry. 
LORD  CHATHAM.      By  Walford 

Davis  Green. 
OWEN  GLYNDWR.      By  Arthur 

G.  Bradley. 
HENRY  V.      By  Charles  L.  Kings- 
ford. 
EDWARD  I.      By  Edward  Jenkt. 
AUGUSTUS  CiESAR.      By  J.  B, 

Firth. 


HEROES  OP  THE  NATIONS 


rREDERICK  THE  GREAT.     By 

W.  F.  Reddaway. 
WELLINGTON.    By  W.  O'Connor 

Morris. 
CONSTANTINE    THE     GREAT. 

By  J.  B.  Firth. 
MOHAMMED.  By  D.S.MargoUouth. 
CHARLES  THE  BOLD.     By  Ruth 

Putnam. 
WASHINGTON.  By  J.  A.  Harrison. 


WILLIAM     THE     CONQUERER. 

By  F.  B.  Stanton. 
FERNANDO  CORTfeS.    By   F.  A. 

MacNutt. 
WILLIAM    THE    SILENT.       By 

Ruth  Putnam. 
BLUCHER.     By  E.    F.  Henderson. 
ROGER     THE     GREAT.     By   E. 

Curtis. 
CANUTE   THE   GREAT.     By    L. 

M.  Larson. 


Other  volumes  in  preparation  are: 


By  C.  T.  At. 


GREGORY  VII.     By  P.  Urqahart. 
JUDAS  MACCABiEUS.     By  Israel 

Abrahams. 
FREDERICK  II.    By  A.  L.  Smith. 

New  York— G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS,  Publisheks— London 


MARLBOROUGH, 

kinson. 

MOLTKE.     By  James  WardelL 
ALFRED   THE  GREAT.     By  Berw 

tha  Lees. 


The  Story  of  the  Nations 


In  the  story  form  the  current  of  each  National  life 
is  distinctly  indicated,  and  its  picturesque  and  note^ 
worthy  periods  and  episodes  are  presented  for  the- 
reader  in  their  philosophical  relation  to  each  othet 
as  well  as  to  universal  history. 

It  is  the  plan  of  the  writers  of  the  different  volumes 
to  enter  into  the  real  life  of  the  peoples,  and  to  bring 
them  before  the  reader  as  they  actually  lived,  labored, 
and  struggled — as  they  studied  and  wrote,  and  as 
they  amused  themselves.  In  carrying  out  this  plan, 
the  myths,  with  which  the  history  of  all  lands  be- 
gins, are  not  overlooked,  though  they  are  carefully 
distinguished  from  the  actual  history,  so  far  as  the 
labors  of  the  accepted  historical  authorities  have 
resulted  in  definite  conclusions. 

The  subjects  of  the  different  volumes  have  been 
planned  to  cover  connecting  and,  as  far  as  possible, 
consecutive  epochs  or  periods,  so  that  the  set  when 
completed  will  present  in  a  comprehensive  narrative 
the  chief  events  in  the  great  Story  of  the  Nations; 
but  it  is,  of  course,  not  always  practicable  to  issue 
the  several  volumes  in  their  chronological  order. 

Par  list  of  volumes  see  next  page. 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS 


GREECE.     Prof.  Jas.  A.  Harrison. 

ROME.     Arthur  Oilman. 

THE  JEWS.    Prof.  James  K.  Hos- 

mer. 
CHALDEA.      Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
GERMANY.      S.  Baring-Gould. 
NORWAY.    Hjalmar  H.  Boyesen. 
SPAIN.       Rev.  E.  E.  and  Susan 

Hale. 
HUNGARY.       Prof.  A.  Vdmb^ry. 
CARTHAGE.  Prof.    Alfred    J, 

Church. 
THE  SARACENS.       Arthur  GU- 

man. 
THE  MOORS  IN  SPAIN .    Stanley 

Lane -Poole. 
THE  NORMANS.       Sanh  Ome 

Jewett. 
PERSIA.     S.  G.  W.  Benjamin. 
ANCIENT  EGYPl'.       Prof.  Geo. 

Kawlinson. 
ALEXANDER'S  EMPIRE.     Prof. 

J.  P.  Mahaffy. 
ASS  i'RlA.     Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
THE  Gams.     Henry  Bradley. 
IRELAND.     Hon.  Emily  Lawless. 
TURKEY.     Staidey  Lane-Poole. 
MEDIA,  BABYLON,  AND  PER- 

SIA.      Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
MEDIEVAL  FRANCE.  Prof.Gus- 

tave  Masson. 
HOLLAND.         Prof.    J.   Thorold 

Rogers. 
MEXICO.     Susan  Hale. 
PHCENICIA.     Geoi^e  Rawlioaoo. 


THE  HANSA  TOWNS.        Helea 

Zimmem. 
EARLY  BRITAIN.      Prof.  Alfred 

J.  Church. 
THE      BARBARY      CORSAIRS. 

Stanley  Lane-Poole. 
RUSSIA.      W.  R.  MorfilL 
THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROME.     W. 

D.  Morrison. 
SCOTLAND.     John  Mackintosh. 
SWITZERLAND.       R.  Stead    and 

Mrs.  A.  Hug. 
PORTUGAL.     H.  Morse -Stephens. 
THE  BYZANTINE  EMPIRE.    C. 

W.  C.  Oman. 
SICILY.      E.  A.  Freeman. 
THE  TUSCAN  REPUBLICS.  Bella 

Duffy. 
POLAND.     W.  R.  MorfiU. 
PARTHIA.      Geo.  Rawlinson. 
JAPAN.      David  Murray. 
THE    CHRISTIAN    RECOVERS 

OF  SPAIN.    H.E.  Watts. 
AUSTRALASIA.    GreviJlcTiegar 

then. 
SOUTHERN  AFRICA,      C^^eo.  M. 

Theal. 
VENICE.     Alethea  Wcii. 
THE  CRUSADES.     T.    S.   Archei 

and  C.  L.  Kingsf  ord. 
VEDIC  INDIA.    Z.  A.  Ragoain. 
BOHEMLA.     C.  E.  Maurice. 
CANADA.      J.  G.  Bourinot. 
THE  BALKAN  STATES.  Willi«a 

Milter. 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS 


BRITISH  RULE  IN  INDIA,     R. 

W.  Frazer. 
MODERN  FRANCE.  Andt^LeBon. 
THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.     Alfred 

T.  Story.      Two  vols. 
THE  FRANKS.      Lewis  Sergeant. 
THE   WEST   INDIES.    Amos   K. 

Fiske. 
THE    PEOPLE   OF    ENGLAND. 

Justin  McCarthy,  M.P.      Two 

vols. 
AUSTRIA.      Sidney  Whitman. 
CHINA.      Robt.  K.  Douglass. 
MODERN  SPAIN.     Major  Martin 

A.  S.  Hume. 
MODERN  ITALY.     Pietro  Orsi. 
THE     THIRTEEN     COLONIES. 

Helen  A.  Smith.      Two  vols. 
WALES  AND  CORNWALL.  Owen 

M.  Edwards.      Net  $1.33. 
HSDL£VAL  ROME.    Wm.  Miller. 


THE  PAPAL  MONARCHY.    Wm. 

Barry. 
MEDIEVAL   INDIA..  Stanley 

Lane-Poole. 
BUDDHIST  INDIA.  T.  W.  Rhys- 

Davids. 
THE    SOUTH    AMERICAN    RE. 

PUBLICS.      Thomas  C.  Daw. 

son.      Two  vols. 
PARLIAMENTARY     ENGLAND^ 

Edward  Jenks. 
MEDIEVAL  ENGLAND.       Mary 

Bateson. 
THE  UNITED  STATES.    Edward 

Earle  Sparks.      Two  vols. 
ENGLAND,    THE    COMING    OP 

PARLIAMENT.  L.  Cecil  Jane. 
GREECE— EARLIEST    TIMES— 

A.D.  14.     E.  S.  Shuckburgh. 
ROMAN  EMPIRE,     B.C.  sq-A.D 

476.    N.  Stuart  Jonw. 


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